and the Union, and that any concession would have
a fatally weakening effect. In 1850 he supported
a compromise which was so one-sided that it hardly
deserves the name. The defence offered by his
friends on this subject—and it is the strongest
point they have been able to make—is that
these sacrifices, or compromises, were necessary to
save the Union, and that—although they did
not prevent ultimate secession—they caused
a delay of ten years, which enabled the North to gather
sufficient strength to carry the civil war to a successful
conclusion. It is not difficult to show historically
that the policy of compromise between the national
principle and unlawful opposition to that principle
was an entire mistake from the very outset, and that
if illegal and partisan State resistance had always
been put down with a firm hand, civil war might have
been avoided. Nothing strengthened the general
government more than the well-judged and well-timed
display of force by which Washington and Hamilton
crushed the Whiskey Rebellion, or than the happy accident
of peace in 1814, which brought the separatist movement
in New England to a sudden end. After that period
Mr. Clay’s policy of compromise prevailed, and
the result was that the separatist movement was identified
with the maintenance of slavery, and steadily gathered
strength. In 1819 the South threatened and blustered
in order to prevent the complete prohibition of slavery
in the Louisiana purchase. In 1832 South Carolina
passed the nullification ordinance because she suffered
by the operation of a protective tariff. In 1850
a great advance had been made in their pretensions.
Secession was threatened because the South feared that
the Mexican conquests would not be devoted to the
service of slavery. Nothing had been done, nothing
was proposed even, prejudicial to Southern interests;
but the inherent weakness of slavery, and the mild
conciliatory attitude of Northern statesmen, incited
the South to make imperious demands for favors, and
seek for positive gains. They succeeded in 1850,
and in 1860 they had reached the point at which they
were ready to plunge the country into the horrors
of civil war solely because they lost an election.
They believed, first, that the North would yield everything
for the sake of union, and secondly, that if there
was a limit to their capacity for surrender in this
direction, yet a people capable of so much submission
in the past would never fight to maintain the Union.
The South made a terrible mistake, and was severely
punished for it; but the compromises of 1820, 1833,
and 1850 furnished some excuse for the wild idea that
the North would not and could not fight. Whether
a strict adherence to the strong, fearless policy
of Hamilton, which was adopted by Jackson and advocated
by Webster in 1832-33, would have prevented civil war,
must, of course, remain matter of conjecture.
It is at least certain that in that way alone could
war have been avoided, and that the Clay policy of
compromise made war inevitable by encouraging slave-holders
to believe that they could always obtain anything
they wanted by a sufficient show of violence.