candidacy movements had begun in Massachusetts, even
among Mr. Webster’s personal friends, as well
as elsewhere. Mr. Webster had just declined a
public dinner, but he now decided to meet his friends
in Faneuil Hall. An immense audience gathered
to hear him, many of them strongly disapproving his
course, but after he had spoken a few moments, he had
them completely under control. He reviewed the
negotiation; he discussed fully the differences in
the party; he deplored, and he did not hesitate strongly
to condemn these quarrels, because by them the fruits
of victory were lost, and Whig policy abandoned.
With boldness and dignity he denied the right of the
convention to declare a separation from the President,
and the implied attempt to coerce himself and others.
“I am, gentlemen, a little hard to coax,”
he said, “but as to being driven, that is out
of the question. If I choose to remain in the
President’s councils, do these gentlemen mean
to say that I cease to be a Massachusetts Whig?
I am quite ready to put that question to the people
of Massachusetts.” He was well aware that
he was losing party strength by his action; he knew
that behind all these resolutions was the intention
to raise his great rival to the presidency; but he
did not shrink from avowing his independence and his
intention of doing what he believed to be right, and
what posterity admits to have been so. Mr. Webster
never appeared to better advantage, and he never made
a more manly speech than on this occasion, when, without
any bravado, he quietly set the influence and the
threats of his party at defiance.
He was not mistaken in thinking that the treaty was
not yet in smooth water. It was again attacked
in the Senate, and it had a still more severe ordeal
to go through in Parliament. The opposition, headed
by Lord Palmerston, assailed the treaty and Lord Ashburton
himself, with the greatest virulence, denouncing the
one as a capitulation, and the other as a grossly
unfit appointment. Moreover, the language of the
President’s message led England to believe that
we claimed that the right of search had been abandoned.
After much correspondence, this misunderstanding drew
forth an able letter from Mr. Webster, stating that
the right of search had not been included in the treaty,
but that the “cruising convention” had
rendered the question unimportant. Finally, all
complications were dispersed, and the treaty ratified;
and then came an attack from an unexpected quarter.
General Cass—our minister at Paris—undertook
to protest against the treaty, denounce it, and leave
his post on account of it. This wholly gratuitous
assault led to a public correspondence, in which General
Cass, on his own confession, was completely overthrown
and broken down by the Secretary of State. This
was the last difficulty, and the work was finally
accepted and complete.