then, were hardly of half value with others either for sale or settlement.  Besides, the examples of the Irish forfeitures might have taught these precarious owners, that when the House of Commons hath once engaged in a pursuit, which they think is right, although it be stopped or suspended for a while, they will be sure to renew it upon every opportunity that offers, and seldom fail of success:  for instance, if the resumption should happen to be made part of a supply, which can be easily done without the objection of a tack, the grantees might possibly then have much harder conditions given them; and I do not see how they could prevent it.  Whether the resuming of royal grants be consistent with good policy or justice, would be too long a disquisition:  besides, the profusion of kings is not like to be a grievance for the future, because there have been laws since made to provide against that evil, or, indeed, rather because the crown has nothing left to give away.  But the objection made against the date of the intended enquiry was invidious and trifling; for King James II. made very few grants:  he was a better manager, and squandering was none of his faults; whereas the late king, who came over here a perfect stranger to our laws, and to our people, regardless of posterity, wherein he was not likely to survive, thought he could no way better strengthen a new title, than by purchasing friends at the expense of every thing which was in his power to part with.

The reasonableness of uniting to a money bill one of a different nature, which is usually called tacking hath been likewise much debated, and will admit of argument enough.  In ancient times, when a Parliament was held, the Commons first proposed their grievances to be redressed, and then gave their aids; so that it was a perfect bargain between the king and the subject.  This fully answered the ends of tacking.  Aids were then demanded upon occasions which would hardly pass at present; such, for instance, as those for making the king’s son a knight, marrying his eldest daughter, and some others of the like sort.  Most of the money went into the king’s coffers for his private use; neither was he accountable for any part of it.  Hence arose the form of the king’s thanking his subjects for their benevolence, when any subsidies, tenths, or fifteenths were given him:  but the supplies now granted are of another nature, and cannot be properly called a particular benefit to the crown, because they are all appropriated to their several uses:  so that when the House of Commons tack to a money bill what is foreign and hard to be digested, if it be not passed, they put themselves and their country in as great difficulties as the prince.  On the other side, there have been several regulations made, through the course of time, in parliamentary proceedings; among which it is grown a rule, that a Bill once rejected shall not be brought up again the same session; whereby the Commons seem to have lost the advantage of purchasing a redress of their grievances, by granting supplies, which, upon some emergencies, hath put them upon this expedient of tacking:  so that there is more to be said on each side of the case, than is convenient for me to trouble the reader or myself in deducing.