to detect the feelings and wishes of others, the agents
of the American government were just the last persons
in France to whom I would have applied for aid or
information. The minister himself stood quoted
by the Prime Minister of France in the tribune, as
having assured him (M. Perier) that we were the
wrong of the disputed question, and that the writers
of the French government had truth on their side.
This allegation remains before the world uncontradicted
to the present hour. It was made six months since,
leaving ample time for a knowledge of the circumstance
to reach America, but no instructions have been sent
to Mr. Rives to clear the matter up; or, if sent,
they have not been obeyed. With these unquestionable
facts before my eyes, you will figure to yourself my
astonishment at finding in the papers, a circular addressed
by the Department of State to the different governors
of the Union, formally soliciting official reports
that may enable us to prove to the world, that the
position taken by our opponents is not true! This
course is unusual, and, as the Federal government
has no control over, or connexion with, the expenditures
of the States, it may even be said to be extra-constitutional.
It is formally requesting that which the Secretary
of State had no official right to request. There
was no harm in the proceeding, but it would be undignified,
puerile, and unusual, for so grave a functionary to
take it, without a commensurate object. Lest
this construction should be put on his course, the
Secretary has had the precaution to explain his own
motives. He tells the different governors, in
substance, that the extravagant pretension is set
up flat freedom is more costly than despotism, and
that what he requests may be done, will be done in
the defence of liberal institutions. Here
then we have the construction that has been put on
this controversy by our own government, at home,
through one of its highest and ablest agents.
Still the course of its agents abroad remains
unchanged! Here the American functionaries
are understood to maintain opinions, which a distinguished
functionary at home has openly declared to be
injurious to free institutions.
It may be, it must be, that the state of things here is unknown at Washington. Of this fact I have no means of judging positively; but when I reflect on the character and intelligence of the cabinet, I can arrive at no other inference. It has long been known to me that there exists, not only at Washington, but all through the republic, great errors on the subject of our foreign relations; on the influence and estimation of the country abroad; and on what we are to expect from others, no less than what they expect from us. But these are subjects which, in general, give me little concern, while this matter of the finance controversy has become one of strong personal interest.