was called the city of the blind, because its founders
wilfully neglected the more glorious site of Byzantium
which lay under their eyes. “We have built
our Chalcedon,” said Burke, “with the
chosen part of the universe full in our prospect.”
They had the faults to which an aristocratic party
in opposition is naturally liable. Burke used
to reproach them with being somewhat languid, scrupulous,
and unsystematic. He could not make the Duke of
Richmond put off a large party at Goodwood for the
sake of an important division in the House of Lords;
and he did not always agree with Lord John Cavendish
as to what constitutes a decent and reasonable quantity
of fox-hunting for a political leader in a crisis.
But it was part of the steadfastness of his whole
life to do his best with such materials as he could
find. He did not lose patience nor abate his effort,
because his friends would miss the opportunity of a
great political stroke rather than they would miss
Newmarket Races. He wrote their protests for
the House of Lords, composed petitions for county
meetings, drafted resolutions, and plied them with
information, ideas, admonitions, and exhortations.
Never before nor since has our country seen so extraordinary
a union of the clever and indefatigable party-manager,
with the reflective and philosophic habits of the
speculative publicist. It is much easier to make
either absolutism or democracy attractive than aristocracy;
yet we see how consistent with his deep moral conservatism
was Burke’s attachment to an aristocratic party,
when we read his exhortation to the Duke of Richmond
to remember that persons in his high station in life
ought to have long views. “You people,”
he writes to the Duke (November 17, 1772), “of
great families and hereditary trusts and fortunes are
not like such as I am, who, whatever we may be by
the rapidity of our growth, and even by the fruit
we bear, and flatter ourselves that, while we creep
on the ground, we belly into melons that are exquisite
for size and flavour, yet still we are but annual
plants that perish with our season, and leave no sort
of traces behind us. You, if you are what you
ought to be, are in my eye the great oaks that shade
a country, and perpetuate your benefits from generation
to generation. The immediate power of a Duke
of Richmond, or a Marquis of Rockingham, is not so
much of moment; but if their conduct and example hand
down their principles to their successors, then their
houses become the public repositories and office of
record for the constitution.... I do not look
upon your time or lives as lost, if in this sliding
away from the genuine spirit of the country, certain
parties, if possible—if not, the heads
of certain families—should make it their
business by the whole course of their lives, principally
by their example, to mould into the very vital stamina
of their descendants those principles which ought
to be transmitted pure and unmixed to posterity.”