great warrior, the chieftain of their forces in the House of Representatives, Thaddeus Stevens, was wont to say, in his defiant iconoclastic style, that there was no longer any Constitution, and that he was weary of hearing this “never-ending gabble about the sacredness of the Constitution.”  Yet somewhat inconsistently these same men held as an idol and a leader Secretary Chase; and he at the close of 1860 had declared:  “At all hazards and against all opposition, the laws of the Union should be enforced....  The question of slavery should not be permitted to influence my action, one way or the other.”  Later, perhaps he and his allies had forgotten these words.  Still many persons hold to the opinion that the emancipationists did not give Mr. Lincoln fair play.[35]

On September 13 a body of clergymen from Chicago waited upon Mr. Lincoln to urge immediate and universal emancipation.  The occasion was made noteworthy by his remarks to them.

“I am approached with the most opposite opinions and advice, and that by religious men, who are equally certain that they represent the Divine will.  I am sure that either the one or the other class is mistaken in that belief, and perhaps, in some respect, both.  I hope it will not be irreverent for me to say that, if it is probable that God would reveal his will to others on a point so connected with my duty, it might be supposed He would reveal it directly to me; for, unless I am more deceived in myself than I often am, it is my earnest desire to know the will of Providence in this matter.  And if I can learn what it is, I will do it!  These are not, however, the days of miracles, and I suppose it will be granted that I am not to expect a direct revelation.  I must study the plain physical facts of the case, ascertain what is possible, and learn what appears to be wise and right.  The subject is difficult, and good men do not agree.

...  “What good would a proclamation of emancipation from me do, especially as we are now situated?  I do not want to issue a document that the whole world will see must necessarily be inoperative, like the Pope’s bull against the comet!  Would my word free the slaves, when I cannot even enforce the Constitution in the rebel States?  Is there a single court, or magistrate, or individual that would be influenced by it there?  And what reason is there to think it would have any greater effect upon the slaves than the late law of Congress, which I approved, and which offers protection and freedom to the slaves of rebel masters who come within our lines?  Yet I cannot learn that that law has caused a single slave to come over to us.

...  “Now, then, tell me, if you please, what possible result of good would follow the issuing of such a proclamation as you desire?  Understand, I raise no objections against it on legal or constitutional grounds, for, as commander-in-chief of the army and navy, in time of war, I suppose I have a right to take any measure which may best subdue the enemy; nor do I urge objections of a moral nature, in view of possible consequences of insurrection and massacre at the South.  I view this matter as a practical war measure, to be decided on according to the advantages or disadvantages it may offer to the suppression of the rebellion.