competition. The truth was that the facts of
the situation lay with the President, and that the
enterprise, which was supposed by its friends to be
only in its early stage, was really on the verge of
final disposition. Mr. Chase had said decisively
that he would not be a candidate unless his own State,
Ohio, should prefer him. To enlighten him on
this point the Republican members of the Ohio legislature,
being in much closer touch with the people than were
the more dignified statesmen at Washington, met on
February 25, and in the name of the people and the
soldiers of their State renominated Mr. Lincoln.
The nail was driven a stroke deeper into the coffin
by Rhode Island. Although Governor Sprague was
Mr. Chase’s son-in-law, the legislature of that
State also made haste to declare for Mr. Lincoln.
So the movement in behalf of Mr. Chase came suddenly
and utterly to an end. Early in May he wrote
that he wished no further consideration to be given
to his name; and his wish was respected. After
this collapse Mr. Lincoln’s renomination was
much less opposed by the politicians of Washington.
Being naturally a facile class, and not so narrowly
wedded to their own convictions as to be unable to
subordinate them to the popular will or wisdom, they
now for the most part gave their superficial and uncordial
adhesion to the President. They liked him no
better than before, but they respected a sagacity superior
to their own, bowed before a capacity which could
control success, and, in presence of the admitted
fact of his overwhelming popularity, they played the
part which became wise men of their calling.
However sincerely Mr. Chase might resolve to behave
with magnanimity beneath his disappointment, the disappointment
must rankle all the same. It was certainly the
case that, while he professed friendship towards Mr.
Lincoln personally, he was honestly unable to appreciate
him as a president. Mr. Chase’s ideal of
a statesman had outlines of imposing dignity which
Mr. Lincoln’s simple demeanor did not fill out.
It was now inevitable that the relationship between
the two men should soon be severed. The first
strain came because Mr. Lincoln would not avenge an
unjustifiable assault made by General Blair upon the
secretary. Then Mr. Chase grumbled at the free
spending of the funds which he had succeeded in providing
with so much skill and labor. “It seems
as if there were no limit to expense.... The
spigot in Uncle Abe’s barrel is made twice as
big as the bung-hole,” he complained. Then
ensued sundry irritations concerning appointments
in the custom-houses, one of which led to an offer
of resignation by the secretary. On each occasion,
however, the President placated him by allowing him
to have his own way. Finally, in May and June,
1864, occurred the famous imbroglio concerning the
choice of a successor to Mr. Cisco, the assistant
treasurer at New York. Though Mr. Chase again
managed to prevail, yet he was made so angry by the
circumstances of the case, that he again sent in his