But in a short time a very different temper was manifested among members of Congress, and from them spread forth and found support among the people.  Two reasons promoted this.  One, which was avowed with the frankness of indignation, was a jealousy of seeing so important a business preempted by the executive department.  The other was a natural feeling of mingled hostility and distrust towards rebels, who had caused so much blood to be shed, so much cost to be incurred.  In this point of view, the liberality which at first had appeared admirable now began to be condemned as extravagant, unreasonable, and perilous.

Concerning the first of these reasons, it must be admitted that it was entirely natural that Congress should desire to take partial or, if possible, even entire charge of reconstruction.  Which department had the better right to the duty, or how it should be distributed between the legislative and executive departments, was uncertain, and could be determined only by inference from the definite functions of each as established by the Constitution.  The executive unquestionably had the power to pardon every rebel in the land; yet it was a power which might conceivably be so misused as to justify impeachment.  The Senate and the House had the power to give or to refuse seats to persons claiming to have been elected to them.  Yet they could not dare to exercise this power except for a cause which was at least colorable in each case.  Furthermore, the meaning of “recognition” was vague.  Exactly what was “recognition” of a state government, and by what specific process could it be granted or withheld?  The executive might recognize statehood in some matters; Congress might refuse to recognize it in other matters.  Every one felt that disagreement between the two departments would be most unfortunate and even dangerous; yet it was entirely possible; and what an absurd and alarming condition might be created, if the President, by a general amnesty, should reinstate the ex-rebels of a State as citizens with all their rights of citizenship, and Congress should refuse to seat the senators and representatives elected by these constituents on the alleged ground of peril to the country by reason of their supposed continuing disloyalty.  Even worse still might be the case; for the Senate and the House might disagree.  There was nothing in law or logic to make this consummation impossible.

People differed much in feeling as well as opinion upon this difficult subject, this problem which was solved by no law.  Treason is a crime and must be made odious, said Andrew Johnson, sternly uttering the sentiments of many earnest and strenuous men in Congress and in the country.  Others were able to eliminate revengefulness, but felt that it was not safe in the present, nor wise for the future, to restore to rebels all the rights of citizenship upon the moment when they should consent to abandon rebellion, more especially when all knew and admitted that the