On February 13 the electoral vote was to be counted in Congress.  Rumors were abroad that the Secessionists intended to interfere with this by tumults and violence; but the evidence is insufficient to prove that any such scheme was definitely matured; it was talked of, but ultimately it seems to have been laid aside with a view to action at a later date.  Naturally enough, however, the country was disquieted.  In the emergency the action of General Scott was watched with deep anxiety.  A Southerner by birth and by social sympathies, he had been expected by the Secessionists to join their movement.  But the old soldier—­though broken by age and infirmities, and though he had proposed the folly of voluntarily quartering the country, like the corpse of a traitor—­had his patriotism and his temper at once aroused when violence was threatened.  On and after October 29 he had repeatedly advised reinforcement of the Southern garrisons; though it must be admitted, in Buchanan’s behalf, that the general made no suggestion as to how or where the troops could be obtained for this purpose.  In the same spirit he now said, with stern resolution, that there should be ample military preparations to insure both the count and the inauguration; and he told some of the Southerners that he would blow traitors to pieces at the cannon’s mouth without hesitation.  Disturbed at his vehemence, they denounced him bitterly, and sent him frequent notices of assassination.  Floyd distributed orders concerning troops and munitions directly from the War Department, and carefully concealed them from the general who was the head of the army.  But secrecy and intimidation were in vain.  The aged warrior was fiercely in earnest; if there was going to be any outbreak in Washington he was going to put it down with bullets and bayonets, and he gathered his soldiers and instructed his officers accordingly.  But happily the preparation of these things was sufficient to render the use of them unnecessary.  When the day came Vice-President Breckenridge performed his duty, however unwelcome, without flinching.  He presided over the joint session and conducted the count with the air of a man determined to enforce law and order, and at the close declared the election of Abraham Lincoln and Hannibal Hamlin.

Still only the smaller crisis had been passed.  Much more alarming stories now flew from mouth to mouth,—­of plots to seize the capital and to prevent the inauguration, even to assassinate Lincoln on his journey to Washington.  How much foundation there was for these is not accurately known.  That the idea of capturing Washington had fascinated the Southern fancy is certain.  “I see no reason,” said Senator Iverson, “why Washington city should not be continued the capital of the Southern Confederacy.”  The Richmond “Examiner” railed grossly:  “That filthy cage of unclean birds must and will assuredly be purified by fire....  Our people can take it,—­they will take it....  Scott, the arch-traitor, and Lincoln,