War and restriction may leave the country equally exhausted; but the latter not only leaves you poor, but, even when successful, dispirited, divided, discontented, with diminished patriotism, and the morals of a considerable portion of your people corrupted.  Not so in war.  In that state, the common danger unites all, strengthens the bonds of society, and feeds the flame of patriotism.  The national character mounts to energy.  In exchange for the expenses and privations of war, you obtain military and naval skill, and a more perfect organization of such parts of your administration as are connected with the science of national defence.  Sir, are these advantages to be counted as trifles in the present state of the world?  Can they be measured by moneyed valuation?  I would prefer a single victory over the enemy, by sea or land, to all the good we shall ever derive from the continuation of the Non-importation act.  I know not that a victory would produce an equal pressure on the enemy; but I am certain of what is of greater consequence, it would be accompanied by more salutary effects to ourselves.  The memory of Saratoga, Princeton, and Eutaw is immortal.  It is there you will find the country’s boast and pride,—­the inexhaustible source of great and heroic sentiments.  But what will history say of restriction?  What examples worthy of imitation will it furnish to posterity?  What pride, what pleasure will our children find in the events of such times?  Let me not be considered romantic.  This nation ought to be taught to rely on its courage, its fortitude, its skill and virtue, for protection.  These are the only safeguards in the hour of danger.  Man was endued with these great qualities for his defence.  There is nothing about him that indicates that he is to conquer by endurance.  He is not incrusted in a shell; he is not taught to rely upon his insensibility, his passive suffering, for defence.  No, sir; it is on the invincible mind, on a magnanimous nature, he ought to rely.  Here is the superiority of our kind; it is these that render man the lord of the world.  Nations rise above nations, as they are endued in a greater degree with these brilliant qualities.”

This passage is perfectly characteristic of Calhoun, whose speeches present hundreds of such inextricable blendings of truth and falsehood.

We have the written testimony of an honorable man, still living, Commodore Charles Stewart, U. S. N., that John C. Calhoun was a conscious traitor to the Union as early as 1812.  In December of that year, Captain Stewart’s ship, the Constitution, was refitting at the Washington Navy Yard, and the Captain was boarding at Mrs. Bushby’s, with Mr. Clay, Mr. Calhoun, and many other Republican members.  Conversing one evening with the new member from South Carolina, he told him that he was “puzzled” to account for the close alliance which existed between the Southern planters and the Northern Democracy.

“You,” said Captain Stewart,