of the destruction of the balance of power; stormed and raged about the insatiable ambition of the Emperor; called him the curse of mankind, the destroyer of Europe.  The Frenchman listened to her with perfect patience, and when she had ceased said to her, with ineffable politeness, ’Madam, it would give my master, the Emperor, infinite pain if he knew how hardly you thought of him.’”

This brief passage suffices to show the prevailing tone of the two parties when Napoleon was the theme of discourse.

It is, of course, impossible for us to enter into this question of Napoleon’s moral position.  Intelligent opinion, ever since the means of forming an opinion were accessible, has been constantly judging Napoleon more leniently, and the Tory party more severely.  We can only say, that, in our opinion, the war of 1812 was just and necessary; and that Henry Clay, both in supporting Mr. Jefferson’s policy of non-intercourse and in supporting President Madison’s policy of war, deserved well of his country.  Postponed that war might have been.  But, human nature being what it is, and the English government being what it was, we do not believe that the United States could ever have been distinctly recognized as one of the powers of the earth without another fight for it.

The war being ended and the Federal party extinct, upon the young Republicans, who had carried on the war, devolved the task of “reconstruction.”  Before they had made much progress in it, they came within an ace of being consigned to private life,—­Clay himself having as narrow an escape as any of them.  And here we may note one point of superiority of the American government over others.  In other countries it can sometimes be the interest of politicians to foment and declare war.  A war strengthens a tottering dynasty, an imperial parvenu, an odious tyrant, a feeble ministry; and the glory won in battle on land and sea redounds to the credit of government, without raising up competitors for its high places.  But let American politicians take note.  It is never their interest to bring on a war; because a war is certain to generate a host of popular heroes to outshine them and push them from their places.  It may sometimes be their duty to advocate war, but it is never their interest.  At this moment we see both parties striving which shall present to the people the most attractive list of military candidates; and when a busy ward politician seeks his reward in custom-house or department, he finds a dozen lame soldiers competing for the place; one of whom gets it,—­as he ought.  What city has presented Mr. Stanton with a house, or Mr. Welles with fifty thousand dollars’ worth of government bonds?  Calhoun precipitated the country into a war with Mexico; but what did he gain by it but new bitterness of disappointment, while the winner of three little battles was elected President?  Henry Clay was the animating soul of the war of 1812, and we honor him for it; but while Jackson, Brown, Scott, Perry, and Decatur came out of that war the idols of the nation, Clay was promptly notified that his footing in the public councils, his hold of the public favor, was by no means stable.