ANDREW JOHNSON.

WASHINGTON, July 26, 1866.

To the House of Representatives: 

In answer to two resolutions of the House of Representatives of the 23d instant, in the following words, respectively—­

Resolved, That the House of Representatives respectfully request the President of the United States to urge upon the Canadian authorities, and also the British Government, the release of the Fenian prisoners recently captured in Canada;

  Resolved, That this House respectfully request the President to cause
  the prosecutions instituted in the United States courts against the
  Fenians to be discontinued, if compatible with the public interest—­

I transmit a report on the subject from the Secretary of State, together with the documents which accompany it.

ANDREW JOHNSON.

VETO MESSAGES.

WASHINGTON, February 19, 1866.

To the Senate of the United States: 

I have examined with care the bill, which originated in the Senate and has been passed by the two Houses of Congress, to amend an act entitled “An act to establish a bureau for the relief of freedmen and refugees,” and for other purposes.  Having with much regret come to the conclusion that it would not be consistent with the public welfare to give my approval to the measure, I return the bill to the Senate with my objections to its becoming a law.

I might call to mind in advance of these objections that there is no immediate necessity for the proposed measure.  The act to establish a bureau for the relief of freedmen and refugees, which was approved in the month of March last, has not yet expired.  It was thought stringent and extensive enough for the purpose in view in time of war.  Before it ceases to have effect further experience may assist to guide us to a wise conclusion as to the policy to be adopted in time of peace.

I share with Congress the strongest desire to secure to the freedmen the full enjoyment of their freedom and property and their entire independence and equality in making contracts for their labor, but the bill before me contains provisions which in my opinion are not warranted by the Constitution and are not well suited to accomplish the end in view.

The bill proposes to establish by authority of Congress military jurisdiction over all parts of the United States containing refugees and freedmen.  It would by its very nature apply with most force to those parts of the United States in which the freedmen most abound, and it expressly extends the existing temporary jurisdiction of the Freedmen’s Bureau, with greatly enlarged powers, over those States “in which the ordinary course of judicial proceedings has been interrupted by the rebellion.”  The source from which this military jurisdiction is to emanate is none other than the President of the