hostilities can begin, run for five years and then, instead of lapsing, continue until one year after one of the parties to the treaty has formally demanded its termination.  Note the difference:  the old treaties gave the presumption to war—­the new treaties give the presumption to peace.  As our constitution requires a two-thirds vote for ratification of a treaty, a minority of the Senate (as few as one-third plus one) could prevent the renewal of a treaty; under the new plan the treaty continues indefinitely until a majority denounce it.

But while we have made a splendid beginning as the leader of the peace movement in the world much remains to be done.  Our nation should lead in the crusade for disarmament; no other nation is so well qualified for leadership in this movement so necessary for civilization.  The desire for peace, intensified by the agonies of an unprecedented war, ought to be sufficient to bring about disarmament; it should be unnecessary to invoke financial reasons.  But national debts have increased so enormously as to have become unbearable and the world must disarm or face universal bankruptcy.  The reaction against militarism is more advanced, but the reaction against navalism is just as sure to come—­one cannot survive without the support of the other.  Rivalry in the building of battleships will not long be tolerated after rivalry in land forces has been abandoned.

The United States should be the champion of the Christian method of preserving peace—­and the world is ready for it.  The devil never won a greater victory than when he persuaded statesmen to make the absurd experiment of trying to prevent war by getting ready for it.  “Arm yourselves,” he whispered, “and you will never have to use your weapons.”  How his Satanic majesty must have gloated over the gullibility of his dupes.

John Bright, Quaker statesman of Great Britain, pointed out the fallacy of this policy.  He called it, “Worshipping the scimitar” and predicted that it would invite war instead of preventing it.  But the din of the munition factories drowned the voice of protest and the civilized world—­yes, the Christian world—­went into a prepared war, each nation protesting that it was drawn into the conflict against its will.

Permanent peace cannot rest upon terrorism; friendship alone can inspire peace, and friendship has no swagger in its gait; it does not flourish a sword.  Our nation has invited the world to a conference to consider the limitation of armaments; if disarmament by agreement fails we should enter upon a systematic policy of reduction ourselves and by so doing arouse the Christians, the friends of humanity and the toilers of the world to the criminal folly of the brute method of dealing with this question.

We should also join the world in creating a tribunal before which every complaint of international injustice can be heard.  If reason is to be substituted for force the forum instituted for the consideration of these questions must have authority to hear all issues between nations, in order that public opinion, based upon information, may compel such action as may be necessary to remove discord.