any other plan?  Christ died for all—­the employer as well as the employee; He is the friend of those who pay wages as well as of those who work for wages; the children of one class are as dear to Him as the children of the other.  His creed brings man into harmony with God and then teaches him to love his neighbour as himself.  To put human rights before property rights—­the man before the dollar, is simply to put the teachings of the Saviour into modern language and apply them to present-day conditions.

The whole code of morals of the Nazarene is a protest against the attitude of antagonism between capital and labour.  He pleads for sympathy and fellowship.  Every worker should give to society the maximum of his productive power—­but he cannot do this unless he is a willing worker.  Every employer should give to society the maximum of his organizing and directing ability, but he cannot do it unless he is a satisfied employer.  What plan but the plan of Christ can fill the world with willing workers and satisfied employers? Capitalism, supported by force, cannot save civilization; neither can government by any class assure the justice that makes for permanence in government.  Only brotherly love can make employers willing to pay fair compensation for work done and employees anxious to give fair work for their wages.

One of the first fruits of the spirit of brotherhood will be investigation before strike or lockout, just as our nation has provided for investigation before war.  If these bloody conflicts cannot be entirely abolished to-day the civilized nations should at least know why they are to shoot before they begin shooting.  The world, too, should know.  War is not a private affair; it disturbs the commerce of the world, obstructs the ocean’s highways and kills innocent bystanders.  Neutral nations suffer as well as those at war.  If peacefully inclined nations cannot avoid loss and suffering after war is begun, they certainly have a right to demand information as to the nature and merits of the dispute before any nation begins to “shoot up” civilization.

The strike and the lockout are to our industrial life what war is between nations, and the general public stands in much the same position as neutral nations.  The number of those actually injured by a suspension of industry is often many times as great as the total number of employers and employees in that industry combined.

If, for instance, ninety-five per cent, of the people are asked to freeze while the mine owners and the mine workers (numbering possibly five per cent.) fight out their differences, have they not a right to demand information as to the merits of the dispute before the shivering begins?  If the home builders are asked to suspend construction while the steel manufacturers and steel workers (but a small fraction of the population) go to war over the terms of employment, have they not a right to inquire why before they begin to move into tents?  And so with disputes between railroads and their employees.