The policies set on foot and carried through under the first federal administration were so brilliant and so successful that we are apt to forget that months elapsed before the first of them was even announced.  When Washington, on May 1, 1789, began his duties, there was absolutely nothing of the government of the United States in existence but a President and a Congress.  The imperfect and broken machinery of the confederation still moved feebly, and performed some of the absolutely necessary functions of government.  But the new organization had nothing to work with except these outworn remnants of a discarded system.  There were no departments, and no arrangements for the collection of revenue or the management of the postal service.  A few scattered soldiers formed the army, and no navy existed.  There were no funds and no financial resources.  There were not even traditions and forms of government, and, slight as these things may seem, settled methods of doing public business are essential to its prompt and proper transaction.  These forms had to be devised and adopted first, and although they seem matters of course now, after a century of use, they were the subject of much thought and of some sharp controversy in 1789.  The manner in which the President was to be addressed caused some heated discussion even before the inauguration.  America had but just emerged from the colonial condition, and the colonial habits were still unbroken.  In private letters we find Washington referred to as “His Highness,” and in some newspapers as “His Highness the President-General,” while the Senate committee reported in favor of addressing him as “His Highness the President of the United States and Protector of their Liberties.”  In the House, however, the democratic spirit was strong, there was a fierce attack upon the proposed titles, and that body ended by addressing Washington simply as the “President of the United States,” which, as it happened, settled the question finally.  Washington personally cared little for titles, although, as John Adams wrote to Mrs. Warren, he thought them appropriate to high office.  But in this case he saw that there was a real danger lurking in the empty name, and so he was pleased by the decision of the House.  Another matter was the relation between the President and the Senate.  Should he communicate with them in writing or orally, being present during their deliberations as if they formed an executive council?  It was promptly decided that nominations should be made in writing; but as to treaties, it was at first thought best that the President should deliver them to the Senate in person, and it was arranged with minute care where he should sit, beside the Vice-President, while the matter was under discussion.  This arrangement, however, was abandoned after a single trial, and it was agreed that treaties, like nominations, should come with written messages.