stuffing their papers with scurrility and nonsensical declamation, which few would read if they were apprised of the contents) publish the debates in Congress on all great national questions.  And this, with no uncommon pains, every one of them might do.”  Washington evidently believed that there was no serious danger of the people going wrong if they were only fully informed.  But the able editors of that day no doubt felt that they and their correspondents were better fitted to enlighten the public than any one else could be, and there is no evidence that any of them ever followed the President’s suggestion.

The jealousies and the divisions in Congress, which Washington watched with hearty dislike on account of their sectional character, began, as is well known, with the financial measures of the Treasury.  As time went on they became steadily more marked and better defined, and at last they spread to the cabinet.  Jefferson had returned to take his place as Secretary of State after an absence of many years, and during that time he had necessarily dropped out of the course of home politics.  He came back with a very moderate liking for the Constitution, and an intention undoubtedly to do his best as a member of the cabinet.  His first and most natural impulse, of course, was to fall in with the administration of which he was a part; and so completely did he do this that it was at his table that the famous bargain was made which assumed the state debts and took the capital to the banks of the Potomac.

Exactly what led to the first breach between Jefferson and Hamilton, whose financial policy was then in the full tide of success, is not now very easy to determine.  Jefferson’s action was probably due to a mixture of motives and a variety of causes, as is generally the case with men, even when they are founders of the democratic party.  In the first place, Jefferson very soon discovered that Hamilton was looked upon as the leader in the cabinet and in the policies of the administration, and this fact excited a very natural jealousy on his part, because he was the official head of the President’s advisers.  In the second place, it was inevitable that Jefferson should dislike Hamilton, for there never were two men more unlike in character and in their ways of looking at things.  Hamilton was bold, direct, imperious, and masculine; he went straight to his mark, and if he encountered opposition he either rode over it or broke it down.  When Jefferson met with opposition he went round it or undermined it; he was adroit, flexible, and extremely averse to open fighting.  There was also good ground for a genuine difference of opinion between the two secretaries in regard to the policy of the government.  Jefferson was a thorough representative of the great democratic movement of the time.  At bottom his democracy was of the sensible, practical American type, but he had come home badly bitten by many of the wild notions which at that moment pervaded Paris.  A man of much