His attention was first particularly drawn to the state of things in Hungary by the correspondence of Mr. Stiles, Charge d’Affaires of the United States at Vienna.  In the autumn of 1848, an application was made to this gentleman, on behalf of Mr. Kossuth, formerly Minister of Finance for the Kingdom of Hungary by Imperial appointment, but, at the time the application was made, chief of the revolutionary government.  The object of this application was to obtain the good offices of Mr. Stiles with the Imperial government, with a view to the suspension of hostilities.  This application became the subject of a conference between Prince Schwarzenberg, the Imperial Minister for Foreign Affairs, and Mr. Stiles.  The Prince commended the considerateness and propriety with which Mr. Stiles had acted; and, so far from disapproving his interference, advised him, in case he received a further communication from the revolutionary government in Hungary, to have an interview with Prince Windischgraetz, who was charged by the Emperor with the proceedings determined on in relation to that kingdom.  A week after these occurrences, Mr. Stiles received, through a secret channel, a communication signed by L. Kossuth, President of the Committee of Defence, and countersigned by Francis Pulszky, Secretary of State.  On the receipt of this communication, Mr. Stiles had an interview with Prince Windischgraetz, “who received him with the utmost kindness, and thanked him for his efforts toward reconciling the existing difficulties.”  Such were the incidents which first drew the attention of the government of the United States particularly to the affairs of Hungary, and the conduct of Mr. Stiles, though acting without instructions in a matter of much delicacy, having been viewed with satisfaction by the Imperial government, was approved by that of the United States.

In the course of the year 1848, and in the early part of 1849, a considerable number of Hungarians came to the United States.  Among them were individuals representing themselves to be in the confidence of the revolutionary government, and by these persons the President was strongly urged to recognize the existence of that government.  In these applications, and in the manner in which they were viewed by the President, there was nothing unusual; still less was there any thing unauthorized by the law of nations.  It is the right of every independent state to enter into friendly relations with every other independent state.  Of course, questions of prudence naturally arise in reference to new states, brought by successful revolutions into the family of nations; but it is not to be required of neutral powers that they should await the recognition of the new government by the parent state.  No principle of public law has been more frequently acted upon, within the last thirty years, by the great powers of the world, than this.  Within that period, eight or ten new states have established independent governments, within the limits of the