language which has been adopted by distinguished men, themselves citizens of slave-holding States.  I shall do nothing, therefore, to favor or encourage its further extension.  We have slavery already amongst us.  The Constitution found it in the Union; it recognized it, and gave it solemn guaranties.  To the full extent of these guaranties we are all bound, in honor, in justice, and by the Constitution.  All the stipulations contained in the Constitution in favor of the slave-holding States which are already in the Union ought to be fulfilled, and, so far as depends on me, shall be fulfilled, in the fulness of their spirit, and to the exactness of their letter.  Slavery, as it exists in the States, is beyond the reach of Congress.  It is a concern of the States themselves; they have never submitted it to Congress, and Congress has no rightful power over it.  I shall concur, therefore, in no act, no measure, no menace, no indication of purpose, which shall interfere or threaten to interfere with the exclusive authority of the several States over the subject of slavery as it exists within their respective limits.  All this appears to me to be matter of plain and imperative duty.

     “But when we come to speak of admitting new States, the subject
     assumes an entirely different aspect.  Our rights and our duties are
     then both different....

“I see, therefore, no political necessity for the annexation of Texas to the Union; no advantages to be derived from it; and objections to it of a strong, and, in my judgment, decisive character.”

I have nothing, Sir, to add to, or to take from, those sentiments.  That speech, the Senate will perceive, was made in 1837.  The purpose of immediately annexing Texas at that time was abandoned or postponed; and it was not revived with any vigor for some years.  In the mean time it happened that I had become a member of the executive administration, and was for a short period in the Department of State.  The annexation of Texas was a subject of conversation, not confidential, with the President and heads of departments, as well as with other public men.  No serious attempt was then made, however, to bring it about.  I left the Department of State in May, 1843, and shortly after I learned, though by means which were no way connected with official information, that a design had been taken up of bringing Texas, with her slave territory and population, into this Union.  I was in Washington at the time, and persons are now here who will remember that we had an arranged meeting for conversation upon it.  I went home to Massachusetts and proclaimed the existence of that purpose, but I could get no audience and but little attention.  Some did not believe it, and some were too much engaged in their own pursuits to give it any heed.  They had gone to their farms or to their merchandise, and it was impossible to arouse any feeling in New England, or in Massachusetts, that should combine the two great political parties against this annexation; and, indeed, there was no hope of bringing the Northern Democracy into that view, for their leaning was all the other way.  But, Sir, even with Whigs, and leading Whigs, I am ashamed to say, there was a great indifference towards the admission of Texas, with slave territory, into this Union.