But I say I do not find anywhere any considerable and respectable body of persons who want more territory, and such territory.  Twenty-four of us last year in this house voted against the prosecution of the war for territory, because we did not want it, both Southern and Northern men.  I believe the Southern gentlemen who concurred in that vote found themselves, even when they had gone against what might be supposed to be local feelings and partialities, sustained on the general policy of not seeking territory, and by the acquisition of territory bringing into our politics certain embarrassing and embroiling questions and considerations.  I do not learn that they suffered from the advocacy of such a sentiment.  I believe they were supported in it; and I believe that through the greater part of the South, and even of the Southwest, there is no prevalent opinion in favor of acquiring territory, and such territory, and of the augmentation of our population by such an accession.  And such, I need not say, is, if not the undivided, the preponderating sentiment of all the North.

But it is said we must take territory for the sake of peace.  We must take territory.  It is the will of the President.  If we do not now take what he offers, we may fare worse.  Mr. Polk will take no less, that he is fixed upon, He is immovable.  He—­has—­put—­down—­his—­foot!  Well, Sir, he put it down upon “fifty-four forty,” but it didn’t stay.  I speak of the President, as of all Presidents, without disrespect.  I know of no reason why his opinion and his will, his purpose, declared to be final, should control us, any more than our purpose, from equally conscientious motives, and under as high responsibilities, should control him.  We think he is firm, and will not be moved.  I should be sorry, Sir, very sorry indeed, that we should entertain more respect for the firmness of the individual at the head of the government than we entertain for our own firmness.  He stands out against us.  Do we fear to stand out against him?  For one, I do not.  It appears to me to be a slavish doctrine.  For one, I am willing to meet the issue, and go to the people all over this broad land.  Shall we take peace without new States, or refuse peace without new States?  I will stand upon that, and trust the people.  And I do that because I think it right, and because I have no distrust of the people.  I am not unwilling to put it to their sovereign decision and arbitration.  I hold this to be a question vital, permanent, elementary, in the future prosperity of the country and the maintenance of the Constitution; and I am willing to trust that question to the people.  I prefer that it should go to them, because, if what I take to be a great constitutional principle, or what is essential to its maintenance, is to be broken down, let it be the act of the people themselves; it shall never be my act.  I, therefore, do not distrust the people.  I am willing to take their sentiment, from the Gulf to the British Provinces, and from the