has proposed, and speculation has suggested, but which
man has never been able to accomplish. I mean
the government of a great nation over a vastly extended
portion of the surface of the earth,
by means of
local institutions for local purposes, and general
institutions for general purposes. I know
of nothing in the history of the world, notwithstanding
the great league of Grecian states, notwithstanding
the success of the Roman system, (and certainly there
is no exception to the remark in modern history,)—I
know of nothing so suitable on the whole for the great
interests of a great people spread over a large portion
of the globe, as the provision of local legislation
for local and municipal purposes, with, not a confederacy,
nor a loose binding together of separate parts, but
a limited, positive general government for positive
general purposes, over the whole. We may derive
eminent proofs of this truth from the past and the
present. What see we to-day in the agitations
on the other side of the Atlantic? I speak of
them, of course, without expressing any opinion on
questions of politics in a foreign country; but I
speak of them as an occurrence which shows the great
expediency, the utility, I may say the necessity, of
local legislation. If, in a country on the other
side of the water (Ireland), there be some who desire
a severance of one part of the empire from another,
under a proposition of repeal, there are others who
propose a continuance of the existing relation under
a federative system: and what is this? No
more, and no less, than an approximation to that system
under which we live, which for local, municipal purposes
shall have a local legislature, and for general purposes
a general legislature.
This becomes the more important when we consider that
the United States stretch over so many degrees of
latitude,—that they embrace such a variety
of climate,—that various conditions and
relations of society naturally call for different
laws and regulations. Let me ask whether the
legislature of New York could wisely pass laws for
the government of Louisiana, or whether the legislature
of Louisiana could wisely pass laws for Pennsylvania
or New York? Everybody will say, “No.”
And yet the interests of New York and Pennsylvania
and Louisiana, in whatever concerns their relations
between themselves and their general relations with
all the states of the world, are found to be perfectly
well provided for, and adjusted with perfect congruity,
by committing these general interests to one common
government, the result of popular general elections
among them all.