What, then, shall we do?  Let us turn to this plan of the exchequer, brought forward last year.  It was assailed from all quarters.  One gentleman did say, I believe, that by some possibility some good might come out of it, but in general it met with a different opposition from every different class.  Some said it would be a perfectly lifeless machine,—­that it was no system at all,—­that it would do nothing, for good or evil; others thought that it had a great deal too much vitality, admitting that it would answer the purpose perfectly well for which it was designed, but fearing that it would increase the executive power:  thus making it at once King Log and King Serpent.  One party called it a ridiculous imbecility; the other, a dangerous giant, that might subvert the Constitution.  These varied arguments, contradicting, if not refuting, one another, convinced me of one thing at least,—­that the bill would not be adopted, nor even temperately and candidly considered.  And it was not.  In a manner quite unusual, it was discussed, assailed, denounced, before it was allowed to take the course of reference and examination.

The difficulties we meet in carrying out our system of constitutional government are indeed extraordinary.  The Constitution was intended as an instrument of great political good; but we sometimes so dispute its meaning, that we cannot use it at all.  One man will not have a bank, without the power of local discount, against the consent of the States; for that, he insists, would break the Constitution.  Another will not have a bank with such a power, because he thinks that would break the Constitution.  A third will not have an exchequer, with authority to deal in exchanges, because that would increase executive influence, and so might break the Constitution.  And between them all, we are like the boatman who, in the midst of rocks and currents and whirlpools, will not pull one stroke for safety, lest he break his oar.  Are we now looking for the time when we can charter a United States Bank with a large private subscription?  When will that be?  When confidence is restored.  Are we, then, to do nothing to save the vessel from sinking, till the chances of the winds and waves have landed us on the shore?  He is more sanguine than I am, who thinks that the time will soon come when the Whigs have more power to work effectually for the good of the country than they now have.  The voice of patriotism calls upon them not to postpone, but to act at this moment, at the very next session; to make the best of their means, and to try.  You say that the administration is responsible; why not, then, try the plan it has recommended.  If it fails, let the President bear the responsibility.  If you will not try this plan, why not propose something else?