to any part is at least doubtful and uncertain; the objections are obvious, plain, and strong.  On the general question of slavery, a great portion of the community is already strongly excited.  The subject has not only attracted attention as a question of politics, but it has struck a far deeper-toned chord.  It has arrested the religious feeling of the country; it has taken strong hold on the consciences of men.  He is a rash man indeed, and little conversant with human nature, and especially has he a very erroneous estimate of the character of the people of this country, who supposes that a feeling of this kind is to be trifled with or despised.  It will assuredly cause itself to be respected.  It may be reasoned with, it may be made willing, I believe it is entirely willing, to fulfil all existing engagements and all existing duties, to uphold and defend the Constitution as it is established, with whatever regrets about some provisions which it does actually contain.  But to coerce it into silence, to endeavor to restrain its free expression, to seek to compress and confine it, warm as it is, and more heated as such endeavors would inevitably render it,—­should this be attempted, I know nothing, even in the Constitution or in the Union itself, which would not be endangered by the explosion which might follow.

I see, therefore, no political necessity for the annexation of Texas to the Union; no advantages to be derived from it; and objections to it of a strong, and, in my judgment, decisive character.

I believe it to be for the interest and happiness of the whole Union to remain as it is, without diminution and without addition.

Gentlemen, I pass to other subjects.  The rapid advancement of the executive authority is a topic which has already been alluded to.

I believe there is serious cause of alarm from this source.  I believe the power of the executive has increased, is increasing, and ought now to be brought back within its ancient constitutional limits.  I have nothing to do with the motives which have led to those acts, which I believe to have transcended the boundaries of the Constitution.  Good motives may always be assumed, as bad motives may always be imputed.  Good intentions will always be pleaded for every assumption of power; but they cannot justify it, even if we were sure that they existed.  It is hardly too strong to say, that the Constitution was made to guard the people against the dangers of good intention, real or pretended.  When bad intentions are boldly avowed, the people will promptly take care of themselves.  On the other hand, they will always be asked why they should resist or question that exercise of power which is so fair in its object, so plausible and patriotic in appearance, and which has the public good alone confessedly in view?  Human beings, we may be assured, will generally exercise power when they can get it; and they will exercise it most undoubtedly, in popular governments, under pretences of public