A similar policy, and a similar necessity, though perhaps not entirely so urgent, led to the acquisition of Florida.

Now, no such necessity, no such policy, requires the annexation of Texas.  The accession of Texas to our territory is not necessary to the full and complete enjoyment of all which we already possess.  Her case, therefore, stands upon a footing entirely different from that of Louisiana and Florida.  There being no necessity for extending the limits of the Union in that direction, we ought, I think, for numerous and powerful reasons, to be content with our present boundaries.

Gentlemen, we all see that, by whomsoever possessed, Texas is likely to be a slave-holding country; and I frankly avow my entire unwillingness to do anything that shall extend the slavery of the African race on this continent, or add other slave-holding States to the Union.  When I say that I regard slavery in itself as a great moral, social, and political evil, I only use language which has been adopted by distinguished men, themselves citizens of slave-holding States.  I shall do nothing, therefore, to favor or encourage its further extension.  We have slavery already amongst us.  The Constitution found it in the Union; it recognized it, and gave it solemn guaranties.  To the full extent of these guaranties we are all bound, in honor, in justice, and by the Constitution.  All the stipulations contained in the Constitution in favor of the slave-holding States which are already in the Union ought to be fulfilled, and, so far as depends on me, shall be fulfilled, in the fulness of their spirit and to the exactness of their letter.  Slavery, as it exists in the States, is beyond the reach of Congress.  It is a concern of the States themselves; they have never submitted it to Congress, and Congress has no rightful power over it.  I shall concur, therefore, in no act, no measure, no menace, no indication of purpose, which shall interfere or threaten to interfere with the exclusive authority of the several States over the subject of slavery as it exists within their respective limits.  All this appears to me to be matter of plain and imperative duty.

But when we come to speak of admitting new States, the subject assumes an entirely different aspect.  Our rights and our duties are then both different.

The free States, and all the States, are then at liberty to accept or to reject.  When it is proposed to bring new members into this political partnership, the old members have a right to say on what terms such new partners are to come in, and what they are to bring along with them.  In my opinion, the people of the United States will not consent to bring into the Union a new, vastly extensive, and slave-holding country, large enough for half a dozen or a dozen States.  In my opinion, they ought not to consent to it.  Indeed, I am altogether at a loss to conceive what possible benefit any part of this country can expect to derive from such annexation.  Any benefit