If the President intended to say that the bill, having originated in the House of Representatives, passed the Senate, and was yet afterwards lost in the House of Representatives, he was entirely correct.  But he has been wholly misinformed, if he intended to state that the bill, having passed the House, was lost in the Senate.  As I have already stated, the bill was lost in the House of Representatives.  It drew its last breath there.  That House never let go its hold on it after the report of the committee of conference.  But it held it, it retained it, and of course it died in its possession when the House adjourned.  It is to be regretted that the President should have been misinformed in a matter of this kind, when the slightest reference to the journals of the two houses would have exhibited the correct history of the transaction.

I recur again, Mr. President, to the proposed grant of the three millions, for the purpose of stating somewhat more distinctly the true grounds of objection to that grant.

These grounds of objection were two; the first was, that no such appropriation had been recommended by the President, or any of the departments.  And what made this ground the stronger was, that the proposed grant was defended, so far as it was defended at all, upon an alleged necessity, growing out of our foreign relations.  The foreign relations of the country are intrusted by the Constitution to the lead and management of the executive government.  The President not only is supposed to be, but usually is, much better informed on these interesting subjects than the houses of Congress.  If there be danger of a rupture with a foreign state, he sees it soonest.  All our ministers and agents abroad are but so many eyes, and ears, and organs to communicate to him whatsoever occurs in foreign places, and to keep him well advised of all which may concern the interests of the United States.  There is an especial propriety, therefore, that, in this branch of the public service, Congress should always be able to avail itself of the distinct opinions and recommendations of the President.  The two houses, and especially the House of Representatives, are the natural guardians of the people’s money.  They are to keep it sacred, and to use it discreetly.  They are not at liberty to spend it where it is not needed, nor to offer it for any purpose till a reasonable occasion for the expenditure be shown.  Now, in this case, I repeat again, the President had sent us no recommendation for any such appropriation; no department had recommended it; no estimate had contained it; in the whole history of the session, from the morning of the first day, down to eight o’clock in the evening of the last day, not one syllable had been said to us, not one hint suggested, showing that the President deemed any such measure either necessary or proper.  I state this strongly, Sir, but I state it truly.  I state the matter as it is; and I wish to draw the attention of the Senate and of