on the post-roads, and also the power to which the gentleman refers, and which is expressed in these words:  “To establish public institutions, rewards, and immunities, for the promotion of agriculture, commerce, trades, and manufactures.”  The committee made no report on this or various other propositions in the same list.  But the only inference from this omission is, that neither the committee nor the Convention thought it proper to authorize Congress “to establish public institutions, rewards, and immunities,” for the promotion of manufactures, and other interests.  The Convention supposed it had done enough,—­at any rate, it had done all it intended,—­when it had given to Congress, in general terms, the power to lay imposts and the power to regulate trade.  It is not to be argued, from its omission to give more, that it meant to take back what it had already given.  It had given the impost power; it had given the regulation of trade; and it did not deem it necessary to give the further and distinct power of establishing public institutions.

The other fact, Sir, on which the gentleman relies, is the declaration of Mr. Martin to the legislature of Maryland.  The gentleman supposes Mr. Martin to have urged against the Constitution, that it did not contain the power of protection.  But if the gentleman will look again at what Mr. Martin said, he will find, I think, that what Mr. Martin complained of was, that the Constitution, by its prohibitions on the States, had taken away from the States themselves the power of protecting their own manufactures by duties on imports.  This is undoubtedly true; but I find no expression of Mr. Martin intimating that the Constitution had not conferred on Congress the same power which it had thus taken from the States.

But, Sir, let us go to the first Congress; let us look in upon this and the other house, at the first session of their organization.

We see, in both houses, men distinguished among the framers, friends, and advocates of the Constitution.  We see in both, those who had drawn, discussed, and matured the instrument in the Convention, explained and defended it before the people, and were now elected members of Congress, to put the new government into motion, and to carry the powers of the Constitution into beneficial execution.  At the head of the government was WASHINGTON himself, who had been President of the Convention; and in his cabinet were others most thoroughly acquainted with the history of the Constitution, and distinguished for the part taken in its discussion.  If these persons were not acquainted with the meaning of the Constitution, if they did not understand the work of their own hands, who can understand it, or who shall now interpret it to us?