idea that education is for the common good; because, in every division, a certain portion is uniformly reserved and appropriated for the use of schools.  And, finally, have not these new States singularly strong claims, founded on the ground already stated, that the government is a great untaxed proprietor, in the ownership of the soil?  It is a consideration of great importance, that probably there is in no part of the country, or of the world, so great call for the means of education, as in these new States, owing to the vast numbers of persons within those ages in which education and instruction are usually received, if received at all.  This is the natural consequence of recency of settlement and rapid increase.  The census of these States shows how great a proportion of the whole population occupies the classes between infancy and manhood.  These are the wide fields, and here is the deep and quick soil for the seeds of knowledge and virtue; and this is the favored season, the very spring-time for sowing them.  Let them be disseminated without stint.  Let them be scattered with a bountiful hand, broadcast.  Whatever the government can fairly do towards these objects, in my opinion, ought to be done.

These, Sir, are the grounds, succinctly stated, on which my votes for grants of lands for particular objects rest; while I maintain, at the same time, that it is all a common fund, for the common benefit.  And reasons like these, I presume, have influenced the votes of other gentlemen from New England.  Those who have a different view of the powers of the government, of course, come to different conclusions, on these, as on other questions.  I observed, when speaking on this subject before, that if we looked to any measure, whether for a road, a canal, or any thing else, intended for the improvement of the West, it would be found that, if the New England ayes were struck out of the lists of votes, the Southern noes would always have rejected the measure.  The truth of this has not been denied, and cannot be denied.  In stating this, I thought it just to ascribe it to the constitutional scruples of the South, rather than to any other less favorable or less charitable cause.  But no sooner had I done this, than the honorable gentleman asks if I reproach him and his friends with their constitutional scruples.  Sir, I reproach nobody.  I stated a fact, and gave the most respectful reason for it that occurred to me.  The gentleman cannot deny the fact; he may, if he choose, disclaim the reason.  It is not long since I had occasion, in presenting a petition from his own State, to account for its being intrusted to my hands, by saying, that the constitutional opinions of the gentleman and his worthy colleague prevented them from supporting it.  Sir, did I state this as matter of reproach?  Far from it.  Did I attempt to find any other cause than an honest one for these scruples?  Sir, I did not.  It did not become me to doubt or to insinuate that the gentleman