rivers and mountains, and lines of latitude, to find boundaries, beyond which public improvements do not benefit us.  We who come here, as agents and representatives of these narrow-minded and selfish men of New England, consider ourselves as bound to regard with an equal eye the good of the whole, in whatever is within our powers of legislation.  Sir, if a railroad or canal, beginning in South Carolina and ending in South Carolina, appeared to me to be of national importance and national magnitude, believing, as I do, that the power of government extends to the encouragement of works of that description, if I were to stand up here and ask, What interest has Massachusetts in a railroad in South Carolina?  I should not be willing to face my constituents.  These same narrow-minded men would tell me, that they had sent me to act for the whole country, and that one who possessed too little comprehension, either of intellect or feeling, one who was not large enough, both in mind and in heart, to embrace the whole, was not fit to be intrusted with the interest of any part.

Sir, I do not desire to enlarge the powers of the government by unjustifiable construction, nor to exercise any not within a fair interpretation.  But when it is believed that a power does exist, then it is, in my judgment, to be exercised for the general benefit of the whole.  So far as respects the exercise of such a power, the States are one.  It was the very object of the Constitution to create unity of interests to the extent of the powers of the general government.  In war and peace we are one; in commerce, one; because the authority of the general government reaches to war and peace, and to the regulation of commerce.  I have never seen any more difficulty in erecting light-houses on the lakes, than on the ocean; in improving the harbors of inland seas, than if they were within the ebb and flow of the tide; or in removing obstructions in the vast streams of the West, more than in any work to facilitate commerce on the Atlantic coast.  If there be any power for one, there is power also for the other; and they are all and equally for the common good of the country.

There are other objects, apparently more local, or the benefit of which is less general, towards which, nevertheless, I have concurred with others, to give aid by donations of land.  It is proposed to construct a road, in or through one of the new States, in which this government possesses large quantities of land.  Have the United States no right, or, as a great and untaxed proprietor, are they under no obligation to contribute to an object thus calculated to promote the common good of all the proprietors, themselves included?  And even with respect to education, which is the extreme case, let the question be considered.  In the first place, as we have seen, it was made matter of compact with these States, that they should do their part to promote education.  In the next place, our whole system of land laws proceeds on the