a skilful perception of their relation to our own concerns, and an early anticipation of their consequences, and firm and timely assertion of what we hold to be our own rights and our own interests.  Our neutrality is not a predetermined abstinence, either from remonstrances, or from force.  Our neutral policy is a policy that protects neutrality, that defends neutrality, that takes up arms, if need be, for neutrality.  When it is said, therefore, that this measure departs from our neutral policy, either that policy, or the measure itself, is misunderstood.  It implies either that the object or the tendency of the measure is to involve us in the war of other states, which I think cannot be shown, or that the assertion of our own sentiments, on points affecting deeply our own interests, may place us in a hostile attitude toward other states, and that therefore we depart from neutrality; whereas the truth is, that the decisive assertion and the firm support of these sentiments may be most essential to the maintenance of neutrality.

An honorable member from Pennsylvania thinks this congress will bring a dark day over the United States.  Doubtless, Sir, it is an interesting moment in our history; but I see no great proofs of thick-coming darkness.  But the object of the remark seemed to be to show that the President himself saw difficulties on all sides, and, making a choice of evils, preferred rather to send ministers to this congress, than to run the risk of exciting the hostility of the states by refusing to send.  In other words, the gentleman wished to prove that the President intended an alliance; although such intention is expressly disclaimed.

Much commentary has been bestowed on the letters of invitation from the ministers.  I shall not go through with verbal criticisms on these letters.  Their general import is plain enough.  I shall not gather together small and minute quotations, taking a sentence here, a word there, and a syllable in a third place, dovetailing them into the course of remark, till the printed discourse bristles in every line with inverted commas.  I look to the general tenor of the invitations, and I find that we are asked to take part only in such things as concern ourselves.  I look still more carefully to the answers, and I see every proper caution and proper guard.  I look to the message, and I see that nothing is there contemplated likely to involve us in other men’s quarrels, or that may justly give offence to any foreign state.  With this I am satisfied.

I must now ask the indulgence of the committee to an important point in the discussion, I mean the declaration of the President in 1823.[1] Not only as a member of the House, but as a citizen of the country, I have an anxious desire that this part of our public history should stand in its proper light.  The country has, in my judgment, a very high honor connected with that occurrence, which we may maintain, or which we may sacrifice.  I look upon it as a part of its treasures of reputation; and, for one, I intend to guard it.