It is desirable to know, also, somewhat more distinctly, how the proposed means will produce the intended effect.  One great object proposed, for example, is the increase of the home market for the consumption of agricultural products.  This certainly is much to be desired; but what provisions of the bill are expected wholly or principally to produce this, is not stated.  I would not deny that some increase of the home market may follow, from the adoption of this bill, but all its provisions have not an equal tendency to produce this effect.  Those manufactures which employ most labor, create, of course, most demand for articles of consumption; and those create least in the production of which capital and skill enter as the chief ingredients of cost.  I cannot, Sir, take this bill merely because a committee has recommended it.  I cannot espouse a side, and fight under a flag.  I wholly repel the idea that we must take this law, or pass no law on the subject.  What should hinder us from exercising our own judgments upon these provisions, singly and severally?  Who has the power to place us, or why should we place ourselves, in a condition where we cannot give to every measure, that is distinct and separate in itself, a separate and distinct consideration?  Sir, I presume no member of the committee will withhold his assent from what he thinks right, until others will yield their assent to what they think wrong.  There are many things in this bill acceptable, probably, to the general sense of the House.  Why should not these provisions be passed into a law, and others left to be decided upon their own merits, as a majority of the House shall see fit?  To some of these provisions I am myself decidedly favorable; to others I have great objections; and I should have been very glad of an opportunity of giving my own vote distinctly on propositions which are, in their own nature, essentially and substantially distinct from one another.

But, Sir, before expressing my own opinion upon the several provisions of this bill, I will advert for a moment to some other general topics.  We have heard much of the policy of England, and her example has been repeatedly urged upon us, as proving, not only the expediency of encouragement and protection, but of exclusion and direct prohibition also.  I took occasion the other day to remark, that more liberal notions were becoming prevalent on this subject; that the policy of restraints and prohibitions was getting out of repute, as the true nature of commerce became better understood; and that, among public men, those most distinguished were most decided in their reprobation of the broad principle of exclusion and prohibition.  Upon the truth of this representation, as matter of fact, I supposed there could not be two opinions among those who had observed the progress of political sentiment in other countries, and were acquainted with its present state.  In this respect, however, it would seem that I was greatly mistaken.