I do not see how it can be doubted that this measure is entirely pacific.  I profess my inability to perceive that it has any possible tendency to involve our neutral relations.  If the resolution pass, it is not of necessity to be immediately acted on.  It will not be acted on at all, unless, in the opinion of the President, a proper and safe occasion for acting upon it shall arise.  If we adopt the resolution to-day, our relations with every foreign state will be to-morrow precisely what they now are.  The resolution will be sufficient to express our sentiments on the subjects to which I have adverted.  Useful for that purpose, it can be mischievous for no purpose.  If the topic were properly introduced into the message, it cannot be improperly introduced into discussion in this House.  If it were proper, which no one doubts, for the President to express his opinions upon it, it cannot, I think, be improper for us to express ours.  The only certain effect of this resolution is to signify, in a form usual in bodies constituted like this, our approbation of the general sentiment of the message.  Do we wish to withhold that approbation?  The resolution confers on the President no new power, nor does it enjoin on him the exercise of any new duty; nor does it hasten him in the discharge of any existing duty.

I cannot imagine that this resolution can add any thing to those excitements which it has been supposed, I think very causelessly, might possibly provoke the Turkish government to acts of hostility.  There is already the message, expressing the hope of success to the Greeks and disaster to the Turks, in a much stronger manner than is to be implied from the terms of this resolution.  There is the correspondence between the Secretary of State and the Greek Agent in London, already made public, in which similar wishes are expressed, and a continuance of the correspondence apparently invited.  I might add to this, the unexampled burst of feeling which this cause has called forth from all classes of society, and the notorious fact of pecuniary contributions made throughout the country for its aid and advancement.  After all this, whoever can see cause of danger to our pacific relations from the adoption of this resolution has a keener vision than I can pretend to.  Sir, there is no augmented danger; there is no danger.  The question comes at last to this, whether, on a subject of this sort, this House holds an opinion which is worthy to be expressed.

Even suppose, Sir, an agent or commissioner were to be immediately sent,—­a measure which I myself believe to be the proper one,—­there is no breach of neutrality, nor any just cause of offence.  Such an agent, of course, would not be accredited; he would not be a public minister.  The object would be inquiry and information; inquiry which we have a right to make, information which we are interested to possess.  If a dismemberment of the Turkish empire be taking place, or has already