they have already performed actions of such distinguished skill and bravery, as would draw applause upon the best mariners in the world.  The present state of the war would seem to be, that the Greeks possess the whole of the Morea with the exception of the three fortresses of Patras, Coron, and Modon; all Candia, but one fortress; and most of the other islands.  They possess the citadel of Athens, Missolonghi, and several other places in Livadia.  They have been able to act on the offensive, and to carry the war beyond the isthmus.  There is no reason to believe their marine is weakened; more probably, it is strengthened.  But, what is most important of all, they have obtained time and experience.  They have awakened a sympathy throughout Europe and throughout America; and they have formed a government which seems suited to the emergency of their condition.

Sir, they have done much.  It would be great injustice to compare their achievements with our own.  We began our Revolution, already possessed of government, and, comparatively, of civil liberty.  Our ancestors had from the first been accustomed in a great measure to govern themselves.  They were familiar with popular elections and legislative assemblies, and well acquainted with the general principles and practice of free governments.  They had little else to do than to throw off the paramount authority of the parent state.  Enough was still left, both of law and of organization, to conduct society in its accustomed course, and to unite men together for a common object.  The Greeks, of course, could act with little concert at the beginning; they were unaccustomed to the exercise of power, without experience, with limited knowledge, without aid, and surrounded by nations which, whatever claims the Greeks might seem to have upon them, have afforded them nothing but discouragement and reproach.  They have held out, however, for three campaigns; and that, at least, is something.  Constantinople and the northern provinces have sent forth thousands of troops;—­they have been defeated.  Tripoli, and Algiers, and Egypt, have contributed their marine contingents;—­they have not kept the ocean.  Hordes of Tartars have crossed the Bosphorus;—­they have died where the Persians died.  The powerful monarchies in the neighborhood have denounced their cause, and admonished them to abandon it and submit to their fate.  They have answered them, that, although two hundred thousand of their countrymen have offered up their lives, there yet remain lives to offer; and that it is the determination of all, “yes, of ALL,” to persevere until they shall have established their liberty, or until the power of their oppressors shall have relieved them from the burden of existence.

It may now be asked, perhaps, whether the expression of our own sympathy, and that of the country, may do them good?  I hope it may.  It may give them courage and spirit, it may assure them of public regard, teach them that they are not wholly forgotten by the civilized world, and inspire them with constancy in the pursuit of their great end.  At any rate, Sir, it appears to me that the measure which I have proposed is due to our own character, and called for by our own duty.  When we shall have discharged that duty, we may leave the rest to the disposition of Providence.