over the face of Europe, sweeping away all resistance in its course, it will yet remain for us to secure our own happiness by the preservation of our own principles; which I hope we shall have the manliness to express on all proper occasions, and the spirit to defend in every extremity.  The end and scope of this amalgamated policy are neither more nor less than this:  to interfere, by force, for any government against any people who may resist it.  Be the state of the people what it may, they shall not rise; be the government what it will, it shall not be opposed.

The practical commentary has corresponded with the plain language of the text.  Look at Spain, and at Greece.  If men may not resist the Spanish Inquisition, and the Turkish cimeter, what is there to which humanity must not submit?  Stronger cases can never arise.  Is it not proper for us, at all times, is it not our duty, at this time, to come forth, and deny, and condemn, these monstrous principles?  Where, but here, and in one other place, are they likely to be resisted?  They are advanced with equal coolness and boldness; and they are supported by immense power.  The timid will shrink and give way, and many of the brave may be compelled to yield to force.  Human liberty may yet, perhaps, be obliged to repose its principal hopes on the intelligence and the vigor of the Saxon race.  As far as depends on us, at least, I trust those hopes will not be disappointed; and that, to the extent which may consist with our own settled, pacific policy, our opinions and sentiments may be brought to act on the right side, and to the right end, on an occasion which is, in truth, nothing less than a momentous question between an intelligent age, full of knowledge, thirsting for improvement, and quickened by a thousand impulses, on one side, and the most arbitrary pretensions, sustained by unprecedented power, on the other.

This asserted right of forcible intervention in the affairs of other nations is in open violation of the public law of the world.  Who has authorized these learned doctors of Troppau to establish new articles in this code?  Whence are their diplomas?  Is the whole world expected to acquiesce in principles which entirely subvert the independence of nations?  On the basis of this independence has been reared the beautiful fabric of international law.  On the principle of this independence, Europe has seen a family of nations flourishing within its limits, the small among the large, protected not always by power, but by a principle above power, by a sense of propriety and justice.  On this principle, the great commonwealth of civilized states has been hitherto upheld.  There have been occasional departures or violations, and always disastrous, as in the case of Poland; but, in general, the harmony of the system has been wonderfully preserved.  In the production and preservation of this sense of justice, this predominating principle, the Christian religion has acted a main part.  Christianity and civilization have labored together; it seems, indeed, to be a law of our human condition, that they can live and flourish only together.  From their blended influence has arisen that delightful spectacle of the prevalence of reason and principle over power and interest, so well described by one who was an honor to the age;—­