But this state of things is not brought about solely by written political constitutions, or the mere manner of organizing the government; but also by the laws which regulate the descent and transmission of property.  The freest government, if it could exist, would not be long acceptable, if the tendency of the laws were to create a rapid accumulation of property in few hands, and to render the great mass of the population dependent and penniless.  In such a case, the popular power would be likely to break in upon the rights of property, or else the influence of property to limit and control the exercise of popular power.  Universal suffrage, for example, could not long exist in a community where there was great inequality of property.  The holders of estates would be obliged, in such case, in some way to restrain the right of suffrage, or else such right of suffrage would, before long, divide the property.  In the nature of things, those who have not property, and see their neighbors possess much more than they think them to need, cannot be favorable to laws made for the protection of property.  When this class becomes numerous, it grows clamorous.  It looks on property as its prey and plunder, and is naturally ready, at all times, for violence and revolution.

It would seem, then, to be the part of political wisdom to found government on property; and to establish such distribution of property, by the laws which regulate its transmission and alienation, as to interest the great majority of society in the support of the government.  This is, I imagine, the true theory and the actual practice of our republican institutions.  With property divided as we have it, no other government than that of a republic could be maintained, even were we foolish enough to desire it.  There is reason, therefore, to expect a long continuance of our system.  Party and passion, doubtless, may prevail at times, and much temporary mischief be done.  Even modes and forms may be changed, and perhaps for the worse.  But a great revolution in regard to property must take place, before our governments can be moved from their republican basis, unless they be violently struck off by military power.  The people possess the property, more emphatically than it could ever be said of the people of any other country, and they can have no interest to overturn a government which protects that property by equal laws.

Let it not be supposed, that this state of things possesses too strong tendencies towards the production of a dead and uninteresting level in society.  Such tendencies are sufficiently counteracted by the infinite diversities in the characters and fortunes of individuals.  Talent, activity, industry, and enterprise tend at all times to produce inequality and distinction; and there is room still for the accumulation of wealth, with its great advantages, to all reasonable and useful extent.  It has been often urged against the state of society in America, that it furnishes