of Victor Emmanuel.  This was voted on October 11.  The majority of Cavour’s party did not believe that Garibaldi would give in to the national mandate; he knew him better.  On the 13th the dictator called together his advisers of all shades of opinion.  There was a heated discussion:  a solution seemed farther off than ever.  Then, when they had all spoken, the chief rose serenely and said that, if annexation were the will of the people, he would have annexation; si faccia l’Italia! He decreed the plebiscite, but, having made up his mind, he did not wait for its verdict.  He issued one more ukase:  “that the Two Sicilies form an integral part of Italy, one and indivisible under the constitutional king, Victor Emmanuel, and his successors.”  By a stroke of the pen he handed over his conquests as a free gift.  It was not constitutional, still less democratic; puritan republicans averted their eyes, so did rigid monarchists, but Cavour was perfectly content.  He had forced Garibaldi’s hand without straining the royal prerogative or the minister’s authority.  He had gained his end, and he had not betrayed freedom.  It could be argued now with more force than in 1860 that Garibaldi and Ricasoli were right in contending that the best government for the southern populations, only just released from a demoralising yoke, would have been a wise, temporary despotism.  But despotisms have the habit of being neither wise nor temporary, and, apart from this, the establishment of any partial or regional rule, which placed the south under different institutions from the rest of Italy, would have killed Italian Unity at its birth.

Cavour went on a brief visit to Naples, his name having been the first to be drawn when the deputies were chosen who were to take the congratulations of parliament to the king.  Umbria, the Marches, and the kingdoms of Sicily and Naples were joined to the common family.  Much had, indeed, been done, but there was trouble still at Gaeta, where Napoleon placed his fleet in such a position as to render an attack from the sea impossible.  It was difficult to decide if dust-throwing were the object, or if Napoleonic ideas had taken a new turn.  Italy was made, but it might be unmade.  This was what French politicians were constantly repeating.  “L’Italie est une invention de l’Empereur,” said M. Rouher.  “Rome l’engloutira!” predicted M. de Girardin.  Italy, declared M. Thiers, was an historical parasite which lived on its past and could have no future.  If all this were so, the waters would be disturbed again soon, and there might be play for anglers.  The Murat scheme would have a new chance, were Victor Emmanuel tried and found wanting.  Young Prince Murat confided to his friends that he expected to be wanted soon at Naples; “a great bore,” but he would do his duty and go if required.