light, except now towards its end, which is at hand.
Under James II. it maintained in the Lower House the
proportion of three hundred and forty-six burgesses
against ninety-two knights. The sixteen barons,
by courtesy, of the Cinque Ports were more than counterbalanced
by the fifty citizens of the twenty-five cities.
Though corrupt and egotistic, that aristocracy was,
in some instances, singularly impartial. It is
harshly judged. History keeps all its compliments
for the Commons. The justice of this is doubtful.
We consider the part played by the Lords a very great
one. Oligarchy is the independence of a barbarous
state, but it is an independence. Take Poland,
for instance, nominally a kingdom, really a republic.
The peers of England held the throne in suspicion
and guardianship. Time after time they have made
their power more felt than that of the Commons.
They gave check to the king. Thus, in that remarkable
year, 1694, the Triennial Parliament Bill, rejected
by the Commons, in consequence of the objections of
William III., was passed by the Lords. William
III., in his irritation, deprived the Earl of Bath
of the governorship of Pendennis Castle, and Viscount
Mordaunt of all his offices. The House of Lords
was the republic of Venice in the heart of the royalty
of England. To reduce the king to a doge was
its object; and in proportion as it decreased the
power of the crown it increased that of the people.
Royalty knew this, and hated the peerage. Each
endeavoured to lessen the other. What was thus
lost by each was proportionate profit to the people.
Those two blind powers, monarchy and oligarchy, could
not see that they were working for the benefit of
a third, which was democracy. What a delight
it was to the crown, in the last century, to be able
to hang a peer, Lord Ferrers!
However, they hung him with a silken rope. How
polite!
“They would not have hung a peer of France,”
the Duke of Richelieu haughtily remarked. Granted.
They would have beheaded him. Still more polite!
Montmorency Tancarville signed himself peer of
France and England; thus throwing the English
peerage into the second rank. The peers of France
were higher and less powerful, holding to rank more
than to authority, and to precedence more than to
domination. There was between them and the Lords
that shade of difference which separates vanity from
pride. With the peers of France, to take precedence
of foreign princes, of Spanish grandees, of Venetian
patricians; to see seated on the lower benches the
Marshals of France, the Constable and the Admiral of
France, were he even Comte de Toulouse and son of
Louis XIV.; to draw a distinction between duchies
in the male and female line; to maintain the proper
distance between a simple comte, like Armagnac
or Albret, and a comte pairie, like Evreux;
to wear by right, at five-and-twenty, the blue ribbon
of the Golden Fleece; to counterbalance the Duke de
la Tremoille, the most ancient peer of the court,