It had been frequently, but most disgracefully said, that “we should not be too eager in setting the example.  Let the French begin it.”  Such a sentiment was a direct libel upon the ancient, noble, and generous character of this nation.  We ought, on the other hand, under the blessings we enjoyed, and under the high sense we entertained of our own dignity as a people, to be proudly fearful, lest other nations should anticipate our design, and obtain the palm before us.  It became us to lead.  And if others should not follow us, it would belong to them to glory in the shame of trampling under foot the laws of reason, humanity, and religion.

This motion, he said, came strongly recommended to them.  The honourable member, who introduced it, was justly esteemed for his character.  He was the representative too of a noble county, which had been always ready to take the lead in every public measure for the good of the community, or for the general benefit of mankind; of a county too, which had had the honour of producing a Saville.  Had his illustrious predecessor been alive, he would have shown the same zeal on the same occasion.  The preservation of the unalienable rights of all his fellow-creatures was one of the chief characteristics of that excellent citizen.  Let every member in that house imitate him in the purity of their conduct and in the universal rectitude of their measures, and they would pay the same tender regard to the rights of other countries as to those of their own; and, for his part, he should never believe those persons to be sincere, who were loud in their professions of love of liberty, if he saw that love confined to the narrow circle of one community, which ought to be extended to the natural rights of every inhabitant of the globe.

But we should be better able to bring ourselves up to this standard of rectitude, if we were to put ourselves into the situation of those, whom we oppressed.  This was the rule of our religion.  What should we think of those, who should say, that it was their interest to injure us?  But he hoped we should not deceive ourselves so grossly as to imagine, that it was our real interest to oppress any one.  The advantages to be obtained by tyranny were imaginary, and deceitful to the tyrant; and the evils they caused to the oppressed were grievous, and often insupportable.

Before he sat down, he would apologize, if he had expressed himself too warmly on this subject.  He did not mean to offend any one.  There were persons connected with the trade, some of whom he pitied on account of the difficulty of their situation.  But he should think most contemptibly of himself as a man, if he could talk on this traffic without emotion.  It would be a sign to him of his own moral degradation.  He regretted his inability to do justice to such a cause; but if, in having attempted to forward it, he had shown the weakness of his powers, he must console himself with the consideration, that he felt more solid comfort in having acted up to sound public principles, than he could have done from the exertion of the most splendid talents against the conviction of his conscience.