He went largely into the subject of the Negro-population in the islands from official documents, giving an account of it up to the latest date.  He pointed out the former causes of its diminution, and stated how the remedies for these would follow.

He showed how, even if the quantity of colonial produce should be diminished for a time, this disadvantage would, in a variety of instances, be more than counterbalanced by advantages, which would not only be great in themselves, but permanent.

He then entered into a refutation of the various objections which had been made to the abolition, in an eloquent and perspicuous manner; and concluded by appealing to the great authorities of Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox in behalf of the proposed measure.  “These precious ornaments, he said, of their age and country had examined the subject with all the force of their capacious minds.  On this question they had dismissed all animosity—­all difference of opinion—­and had proceeded in union;—­and he believed, that the best tribute of respect we could show, or the most splendid monument we could raise, to their memories, Would be by the adoption of the glorious measure of the abolition of the Slave-trade.”

Lord Howick was supported by Mr. Roscoe, who was then one of the members for Liverpool; by Mr. Lushington, Mr. Fawkes, Lord Mahon, Lord Milton, Sir John Doyle, Sir Samuel Romilly, Mr. Wilberforce, and Earl Percy, the latter of whom wished that a clause might be put into the bill, by which all the children of slaves, born after January 1810, should be made free.  General Gascoyne and Mr. Hibbert opposed the bill.  Mr. Manning hoped that compensation would be made to the planters in case of loss.  Mr. Bathurst and Mr. Hiley Addington preferred a plan for gradual abolition to the present mode.  These having spoken, it appeared on a division that there were for the question two hundred and eighty-three, and against it only sixteen.

Of this majority I cannot but remark, that it was probably the largest that was ever announced on any occasion, where the House was called upon to divide.  I must observe also, that there was such an enthusiasm among the members at this time, that there appeared to be the same kind and degree of feeling, as manifested itself within the same walls in the year 1788, when the question was first started.  This enthusiasm too, which was of a moral nature, was so powerful, that it seemed even to extend to a conversion of the heart:  for several of the old opponents of this righteous cause went away, unable to vote against it; while others of them staid in their places, and voted in its favour.

On the twenty-seventh of February Lord Howick moved, that the House resolve itself into a committee on the bill for the abolition of the Slave-trade.  Sir C. Pole, Mr. Hughan, Brown, Bathurst, Windham, and Fuller opposed the motion; and Sir R. Milbank, and Mr. Wynne, Barham, Courtenay, Montague, Jacob, Whitbread, and Herbert (of Kerry), supported it.  At length the committee was allowed to sit pro forma, and Mr. Hobhouse was put into the chair.  The bill then went through it, and, the House being resumed, the report was received and read.