Mr. Barham considered compensation but reasonable, where losses were to accrue from the measure, when it should be put in execution; but he believed that the amount of it would be much less than was apprehended.  He considered emancipation, though so many fears had been expressed about it, as forming no objection to the abolition, though he had estates in the West Indies himself.  Such a measure, if it could be accomplished successfully, would be an honour to the country, and a blessing to the planters; but preparation must be made for it by rendering the slaves fit for freedom, and by creating in them an inclination to free labour.  Such a change could only be the work of time.

Sir John Newport said that the expressions of Sir S. Romilly, which had given such offence, had been used by others; and would be used with propriety, while the trade lasted.  Some slave-dealers of Liverpool had lately attempted to prejudice certain merchants of Ireland in their favour.  But none of their representations answered; and it was remarkable, that the reply made to them was in these words.  “We will have no share in a traffic, consisting in rapine, blood, and murder.”  He then took a survey of a system of duties progressively increasing, and showed, that it would be utterly inefficient; and that there was no real remedy for the different evils complained of, but in the immediate prohibition of the trade.

Mr. Canning renewed his professions of friendship to the cause.  He did not like the present resolution; yet he would vote for it.  He should have been better pleased with a bill, which would strike at once at the root of this detestable commerce.

Mr. Manning wished the question to be deferred to the next session.  He hoped, compensation would then be brought forward as connected with it.  Nothing, however, effectual could be done without the concurrence of the planters.

Mr. William Smith noticed, in a striking manner, the different inconsistencies in the arguments of those, who contended for the continuance of the trade.

Mr. Windham deprecated not only the Slave-trade, but slavery also.  They were essentially connected with each other.  They were both evils, and ought both of them to be done away.  Indeed, if emancipation would follow the abolition, he should like the latter measure the better.  Rapine, robbery, and murder were the true characteristics of this traffic.  The same epithets had not indeed been applied to slavery, because this was a condition, in which some part of the human race had been at every period of the history of the world.  It was, however, a state, which ought not to be allowed to exist.  But, notwithstanding all these confessions, he should weigh well the consequences of the abolition before he gave it his support.  It would be on a balance between the evils themselves and the consequences of removing them, that he should decide for himself on this question.

Mr. Fox took a view of all the arguments, which had been advanced by the opponents of the abolition; and having given an appropriate answer to each, the House divided, when there appeared for the resolution one hundred and fourteen, and against it but fifteen.