tending to prove that, instead of the West Indian plantations suffering an injury, they would derive a material benefit by the abolition of the Slave-trade.  He then called upon the friends of this great man to show their respect for his memory by their votes; and he concluded with moving, “that this House, considering the African Slave-trade to be contrary to the principles of justice, humanity, and policy, will, with all practicable expedition, take effectual measures for the abolition of the said trade, in such a manner, and at such a period, as may be deemed advisable.”

Sir Ralph Milbank rose, and seconded the motion.

General Tarleton rose next.  He deprecated the abolition, on account of the effect which it would have on the trade and revenue of the country.

Mr. Francis said the merchants of Liverpool were at liberty to ask for compensation; but he, for one, would never grant it for the loss of a trade, which had been declared to be contrary to humanity and justice.  As an uniform friend to this great cause, he wished Mr. Fox had not introduced a resolution, but a real bill for the abolition of the Slave-trade.  He believed that both Houses were then disposed to do it away.  He wished the golden opportunity might not be lost.

Lord Castlereagh thought it a proposition, on which no one could entertain a doubt, that the Slave-trade was a great evil in itself; and that it was the duty and policy of Parliament to extirpate it; but he did not think the means offered were adequate to the end proposed.  The abolition, as a political question, was a difficult one.  The year 1796 had been once fixed upon by the House, as the period when the trade was to cease; but, when the time arrived, the resolution was not executed.  This was a proof, either that the House did not wish for the event, or that they judged it impracticable.  It would be impossible, he said, to get other nations to concur in the measure; and, even if they were to concur, it could not be effected.  We might restrain the subjects of the parent-state from following the trade; but we could not those in our colonies.  A hundred frauds would be committed by those, which we could not detect.  He did not mean by this, that the evil was to go on for ever.  Had a wise plan been proposed at first, it might have been half-cured by this time.  The present resolution would do no good.  It was vague, indefinite, and unintelligible.  Such resolutions were only the Slave-merchants’ harvests.  They would go for more slaves than usual in the interim.  He should have advised a system of duties on fresh importations of slaves, progressively increasing to a certain extent; and that the amount of these duties should be given to the planters, as a bounty to encourage the Negro-population upon their estates.  Nothing could be done, unless we went hand in hand with the latter.  But he should deliver himself more fully on this subject, when any thing specific should be brought forward in the shape of a bill.