The honourable gentlemen had called themselves moderate men:  but upon this subject he neither felt, nor desired to feel, any thing like a sentiment of moderation.  Their speeches had reminded him of a passage in Middleton’s Life of Cicero.  The translation of it was defective, though it would equally suit his purpose.  He says, “To enter into a man’s house, and kill him, his wife, and family, in the night, is certainly a most heinous crime, and deserving of death; but to break open his house, to murder him, his wife, and all his children, in the night, may be still very right, provided it be done with moderation.”  Now, was there any thing more absurd in this passage, than to say, that the Slave-trade might be carried on with moderation; for, if you could not rob or murder a single man with moderation, with what moderation could you pillage and wound a whole nation?  In fact, the question of the abolition was simply a question of justice.  It was only, whether we should authorize by law, respecting Africa, the commission of crimes, for which, in this country, we should forfeit our lives; notwithstanding which, it was to be treated, in the opinion of these honourable gentlemen, with moderation.

Mr. Addington had proposed to cure the disproportion of the sexes in the islands, by a bounty on the importation of females; or, in other words, by offering a premium to any crew of ruffians, who would tear them from their native country.  He would let loose a banditti against the most weak and defenceless of the sex.  He would occasion these to kill fathers, husbands, and brothers, to get possession of their relatives, the females, who, after this carnage, were to be reserved for—­slavery.  He should like to see the man, who would pen such a moderate clause for a British Parliament.

Mr. Dundas had proposed to abolish the Slave-trade, by bettering the state of the slaves in the islands, and particularly that of their offspring.  His plan, with respect to the latter, was not a little curious.  They were to become free, when born; and then they were to be educated at the expense of those to whom their fathers belonged.  But it was clear, that they could not be educated for nothing.  In order, therefore, to repay this expense, they were to be slaves for ten or fifteen years.  In short, they were to have an education, which was to qualify them to become freemen; and, after they had been so educated, they were to become slaves.  But as this free education might possibly unfit them for submitting to slavery; so, after they had been made to bow under the yoke for ten or fifteen years, they might then, perhaps, be equally unfit to become free; and therefore, might be retained as slaves for a few years longer, if not for their whole lives.  He never heard of a scheme so moderate, and yet so absurd and visionary.

The same honourable gentleman had observed, that the conduct of other nations should not hinder us from doing our duty; but yet neutrals would furnish our islands with slaves.  What was the inference from this moderate assertion, but that we might as well supply them ourselves?  He hoped, if we were yet to be supplied, it would never be by Englishmen.  We ought no longer to be concerned in such a crime.