He would say first, that he agreed with his honourable friend Mr. Wilberforce in very material points.  He believed the trade was not founded in policy; that the continuation of it was not essential to the preservation of our trade with the West Indian islands; and that the slaves were not only to be maintained, but increased there, by natural population.  He agreed, too, as to the propriety of the abolition.  But when his honourable friend talked of direct and abrupt abolition, he would submit it to him, whether he did not run counter to the prejudices of those who were most deeply interested in the question; and whether, if he could obtain his object without wounding these, it would not be better to do it?  Did he not also forget the sacred attention, which Parliament had ever shown to the private interests and patrimonial rights of individuals?

Whatever idea men might then have of the African trade, certain it was that they, who had connected themselves with it, had done it under the sanction of Parliament.  It might also be well worth while to consider (though the conduct of other nations ought not to deter us from doing our duty) whether British subjects in the West Indies might not be supplied with slaves under neutral flags.  Now he believed it was possible to avoid these objections, and at the same time to act in harmony with the prejudices which had been mentioned.  This might be done by regulations, by which we should effect the end much more speedily than by the way proposed.  By regulations, he meant such as would increase the breed of the slaves in the West Indies; such as would ensure a moral education to their children; and such as would even in time extinguish hereditary slavery.  The extinction, however, of this was not to be effected by allowing the son of an African slave to obtain his freedom on the death of his parent.  Such a son should be considered as born free.  He should then be educated at the expense of the person importing his parents; and, when arrived at such a degree of strength as might qualify him to labour, he should work for a term of years for the payment of the expense of his education and maintenance.  It was impossible to emancipate the existing slaves at once; nor would such an emancipation be of any immediate benefit to themselves:  but this observation would not apply to their descendants, if trained and educated in the manner he had proposed.

He would now address himself to those who adopted the opposite extreme:  and he thought he should not assume too much, when he said, that if both slavery and the Slave-trade could be abolished with safety to their property, it deeply concerned their interests to do it.  Such a measure, also, would only be consistent with the principles of the British Constitution.  It was surely strange that we, who were ourselves free, should carry on a Slave-trade with Africa; and that we should never think of introducing cultivation into the West Indies by free labourers.