I also particularly invite your attention to the letter from Mr. Everett, our envoy at London, containing an account of a conversation in the House of Lords which lately occurred between Lord Brougham and Lord Aberdeen in relation to the question of annexation. Nor can I do so without the expression of some surprise at the language of the minister of foreign affairs employed upon the occasion. That a Kingdom which is made what it now is by repeated acts of annexation—beginning with the time of the heptarchy and concluding with the annexation of the Kingdoms of Ireland and Scotland—should perceive any principle either novel or serious in the late proceedings of the American Executive in regard to Texas is well calculated to excite surprise. If it be pretended that because of commercial or political relations which may exist between the two countries neither has a right to part with its sovereignty, and that no third power can change those relations by a voluntary treaty of union or annexation, then it would seem to follow that an annexation to be achieved by force of arms in the prosecution of a just and necessary war could in no way be justified; and yet it is presumed that Great Britain would be the last nation in the world to maintain any such doctrine. The commercial and political relations of many of the countries of Europe have undergone repeated changes by voluntary treaties, by conquest, and by partitions of their territories without any question as to the right under the public law. The question, in this view of it, can be considered as neither “serious” nor “novel.” I will not permit myself to believe that the British minister designed to bring himself to any such conclusion, but it is impossible for us to be blind to the fact that the statements contained in Mr. Everett’s dispatch are well worthy of serious consideration. The Government and people of the United States have never evinced nor do they feel any desire to interfere in public questions not affecting the relations existing between the States of the American continent. We leave the European powers exclusive control over matters affecting their continent and the relations of their different States; the United States claim a similar exemption from any such interference on their part. The treaty with Texas was negotiated from considerations of high public policy, influencing the conduct of the two Republics. We have treated with Texas as an independent power solely with a view of bettering the condition of the two countries. If annexation in any form occur, it will arise from the free and unfettered action of the people of the two countries; and it seems altogether becoming in me to say that the honor of the country, the dignity of the American name, and the permanent interests of the United States would forbid acquiescence in any such interference. No one can more highly appreciate the value of peace to both Great Britain and the United States and the capacity of each to do injury to the other than myself, but peace can best be preserved by maintaining firmly the rights which belong to us as an independent community.