I ought not to dismiss this subject without adverting to one other important consideration connected with the integrity of our Northwest Indians and Territory. The Sioux treaty will effectually withdraw from British influence all those who are a party to it by making them stipendiaries of the United States and by operating a change in their wandering habits and establishing them at known and fixed points under the observation of Government agents, and as the British can only have access to that region by the way of Fond du Lac, one or two small military posts in a direction west and south from that point, it is believed, will completely control all intercourse with the Indians in that section of country.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
JNO. BELL.
WASHINGTON, September 6, 1841.
To the Senate of the United States:
I have the honor, in compliance with the resolution of the Senate of the 8th June, to communicate a letter[13] from the Secretary of the Treasury and the correspondence accompanying it.
JOHN TYLER.
[Footnote 13: Relating to the deposits of public moneys in banks by disbursing officers and agents.]
WASHINGTON, September 13, 1841.
To the Senate of the United States:
In compliance with a resolution of the Senate of the 14th July last, I communicate to the Senate a report from the Secretary of State, accompanied by copies of the correspondence[14] called for by said resolution.
JOHN TYLER.
[Footnote 14: Relating to the origin, progress, and conclusion of the treaty of November 26, 1838, between Sardinia and the United States.]
VETO MESSAGES.
WASHINGTON, August 16, 1841.
To the Senate of the United States:
The bill entitled “An act to incorporate the subscribers to the Fiscal Bank of the United States,” which originated in the Senate, has been considered by me with a sincere desire to conform my action in regard to it to that of the two Houses of Congress. By the Constitution it is made my duty either to approve the bill by signing it or to return it with my objections to the House in which it originated. I can not conscientiously give it my approval, and I proceed to discharge the duty required of me by the Constitution—to give my reasons for disapproving.
The power of Congress to create a national bank to operate per se over the Union has been a question of dispute from the origin of the Government. Men most justly and deservedly esteemed for their high intellectual endowments, their virtue, and their patriotism have in regard to it entertained different and conflicting opinions; Congresses have differed; the approval of one President has been followed by the disapproval of another; the people at different times have acquiesced