of high crimes and misdemeanors. Before that
tribunal the accused is confronted with his accusers,
and may demand the privilege, which the justice of
the common law secures to the humblest citizen, of
a full, patient, and impartial inquiry into the facts,
upon the testimony of witnesses rigidly cross-examined
and deposing in the face of day. If such a proceeding
had been adopted toward me, unjust as I should certainly
have regarded it, I should, I trust, have met with
a becoming constancy a trial as painful as it would
have been undeserved. I would have manifested
by a profound submission to the laws of my country
my perfect faith in her justice, and, relying on the
purity of my motives and the rectitude of my conduct,
should have looked forward with confidence to a triumphant
refutation in the presence of that country and by
the solemn judgment of such a tribunal not only of
whatever charges might have been formally preferred
against me, but of all the calumnies of which I have
hitherto been the unresisting victim. As it is,
I have been accused without evidence and condemned
without a hearing. As far as such proceedings
can accomplish it, I am deprived of public confidence
in the administration of the Government and denied
even the boast of a good name—a name transmitted
to me from a patriot father, prized as my proudest
inheritance, and carefully preserved for those who
are to come after me as the most precious of all earthly
possessions. I am not only subjected to imputations
affecting my character as an individual, but am charged
with offenses against the country so grave and so
heinous as to deserve public disgrace and disfranchisement.
I am charged with violating pledges which I never
gave, and, because I execute what I believe to be the
law, with usurping powers not conferred by law, and,
above all, with using the powers conferred upon the
President by the Constitution from corrupt motives
and for unwarrantable ends. And these charges
are made without any particle of evidence to sustain
them, and, as I solemnly affirm, without any foundation
in truth.
Why is a proceeding of this sort adopted at this time?
Is the occasion for it found in the fact that having
been elected to the second office under the Constitution
by the free and voluntary suffrages of the people,
I have succeeded to the first according to the express
provisions of the fundamental law of the same people?
It is true that the succession of the Vice-President
to the Chief Magistracy has never occurred before
and that all prudent and patriotic minds have looked
on this new trial of the wisdom and stability of our
institutions with a somewhat anxious concern.
I have been made to feel too sensibly the difficulties
of my unprecedented position not to know all that is
intended to be conveyed in the reproach cast upon a
President without a party. But I found myself
placed in this most responsible station by no usurpation
or contrivance of my own. I was called to it,