The exasperation of the Filipinos toward the church is a phenomenon, and they usually state it with uncandid qualifications of the inadequate definition of the opinions and policy made by General Aguinaldo.  Representations of my representative character as an American journalist, that gave me an importance I do not claim or assume to have, caused the appearance at my rooms, in Manila, of insurgents of high standing and comprehensive information, and of large fortunes in some cases.  I was deeply impressed by their violent radicalism regarding the priests.  At first they made no distinction, but said flatly the priests were the mischiefmakers, the true tyrants, and next to the half-breed Filipinos crossed with Chinese—­who are phenomenal accumulators of pecuniary resources—­the money-makers, who profited wrongfully by the earnings of others.

And so “the priests must go,” they said, and have no choice except that of deportation or execution.  In few words, if they did not go away they would be killed.  When close and urgent inquiry was made, the native priests were not included in the application of this rule.  The Spanish priests were particularly singled out for vengeance, and with them such others as had been “false to the people” and treacherous in their relations to political affairs.

The number to be exiled or executed was stated at 3,000.  The priests are panicky about this feeling of the natives, as is in evidence in their solicitude to get away.  They at least have no hope of security if the Spaniards should regain the mastery of the islands.  Two hundred and fifty of them in vain sought to get passage to Hongkong in one boat.  I was informed on authority that was unquestionable that the eviction or extermination of the Spanish priests was one of the inevitable results of Filipine independence—­the first thing to be done.

It was with three objects in view that I had an interview with General Aguinaldo:  (1) To ascertain exactly as possible his feeling and policy toward the United States and its assertion of military authority; (2) to inquire about his position touching the priests, (3) and to urge him to be at pains to be represented not only at Washington, but at Paris.  As regards the latter point, it was clear that the people of the Philippines, whatever they might be, ought to be represented before the Paris conference.  No matter what their case was, it should be personally presented, even if the representatives were witnesses against rather than for themselves.  In the interest of fair play and the general truth the Philippine population should put in an appearance at the seat of the government of the United States for the information of the President, and at the scene of the conference to testify; and I was sure it would appear in all cases that they were at least better capable of governing themselves than the Spaniards to govern them.  There could be no form of government quite so bad as that of the fatal colonial system of Spain, as illustrated in the Philippines and in the Americas.