“It is much older than the historical appearance of Napoleon’s family and far wider in its extent than France, if we are to assign it an origin in this world, we must look for it, not in France, but in England, or go back even earlier, even to Germany or Rome, according as we regard the exaggerations of the Reformation or of the Roman Church as responsible.”

But if Napoleon is not the sole representative of revolutions, why make opposition to him a matter of principle?  He shews no desire of propagandism.

“To threaten other States by means of the Revolution has been for years the trade of England, and this principle of not associating with a revolutionary power is itself quite modern:  it is not to be found in the last century.  Cromwell was addressed as Brother by European potentates and they sought his friendship when it appeared useful.  The most honourable Princes joined in alliance with the States-General before they were recognised by Spain.  Why should Prussia now alone, to its own injury, adopt this excessive caution?”

He goes farther:  not only does he reject the principle of legitimacy,—­he refuses to be bound by any principles; he did not free himself from one party to bind himself to another; his profession was diplomacy and in diplomacy there was no place for feelings of affection and antipathy.

What is the proper use of principles in diplomacy?  It is to persuade others to adopt a policy which is convenient to oneself.

“My attitude towards Foreign Governments springs not from any antipathy, but from the good or evil they may do to Prussia.”  “A policy of sentiment is dangerous, for it is one-sided; it is an exclusively Prussian peculiarity.”  “Every other Government makes its own interests the sole criterion of its actions, however much it may drape them in phrases about justice and sympathy.”  “My ideal for foreign policy is freedom from prejudice; that our decisions should be independent of all impressions of dislike or affection for Foreign States and their governments.”

This was the canon by which he directed his own actions, and he expected obedience to it from others.

“So far as foreigners go I have never in my life had sympathy for anyone but England and its inhabitants, and I am even now not free from it; but they will not let us love them, and as soon as it was proved to me that it was in the interest of a sound and well-matured Prussian policy, I would let our troops fire on French, English, Russian, or Austrian, with the same satisfaction.”

“I cannot justify sympathies and antipathies as regards Foreign Powers and persons before my feeling of duty in the foreign service of my country, either in myself or another; therein lies the embryo of disloyalty against my master or my country.  In my opinion not even the King himself has the right to subordinate the interests