they enabled many members to come under the personal charm of the Chancellor.  What an event was it in the life of the young and unknown Deputy from some obscure provincial town, when he found himself sitting, perhaps, at the same table as the Chancellor, drinking the beer which Bismarck had brought into honour at Berlin, and for which his house was celebrated, and listening while, with complete freedom from all arrogance or pomposity, his host talked as only he could!

The weakest side of his administration lay in the readiness with which he had recourse to the criminal law to defend himself against political adversaries.  He was, indeed, constantly subjected to attacks in the Press, which were often unjust and sometimes unmeasured, but no man who takes part in public life is exempt from calumny.  He was himself never slow to attack his opponents, both personally in the Parliament, and still more by the hired writers of the Press.  None the less, to defend himself from attacks, he too often brought his opponents into the police court, and Bismarckbeleidigung became a common offence.  Even the editor of Kladderadatsch was once imprisoned.  He must be held personally responsible, for no action could be instituted without his own signature to the charge.  We see the same want of generosity in the use which he made of attempts, or reputed attempts, at assassination.  In 1875, while he was at Kissingen, a young man shot at him; he stated that he had been led to do so owing to the attacks made on the Chancellor by the Catholic party.  No attempt, however, was made to prove that he had any accomplices; it was not even suggested that he was carrying out the wishes of the party.  It was one of those cases which will always occur in political struggles, when a young and inexperienced man will be excited by political speeches to actions which no one would foresee, and which would not be the natural result of the words to which he had listened.  Nevertheless, Bismarck was not ashamed publicly in the Reichstag to taunt his opponents with the action, and to declare that whether they would or not their party was Kuhlmann’s party; “he clings to your coat-tails,” he said.  A similar event had happened a few years before, when a young man had been arrested on the charge that he intended to assassinate the Chancellor.  No evidence in support of the charge was forthcoming, but the excuse was taken by the police for searching the house of one of the Catholic leaders with whom the accused had lived.  No incriminating documents of any kind were found, but among the private papers was the correspondence between the leaders in the party of the Centre dealing with questions of party organisation and political tactics.  The Government used these private papers for political purposes, and published one of them.  The constant use of the police in political warfare belonged, of course, to the system he had inherited, but none the less it was to have been hoped that he would have been strong enough to put it aside.  The Government was now firmly established; it could afford to be generous.  Had he definitely cut himself off from these bad traditions he would have conferred on his country a blessing scarcely less than all the others.