pension to every German workman who reached the age of seventy—­what would this be except to make the great majority of the nation prospective pensioners of the State?  With compulsory attendance at the State schools; with the State universities as the only entrance to public life and professions; when everyone for three years had to serve in the army; when so large a proportion of the population earned their livelihood in the railways, the post-office, the customs, the administration—­the State had already a power and influence which many besides the Liberals regarded with alarm.  What would it be when every working man looked forward to receiving, after his working days were over, a free gift from the Government?  Could not this power be used for political measures also; could not it become a means for checking the freedom of opinions and even for interfering in the liberty of voting?

He had to raise the money he wanted in another way, and, in 1879, he began the great financial change that he had been meditating for three years; he threw all his vigour into overthrowing Free Trade and introducing a general system of Protection.

In this he was only doing what a large number of his countrymen desired.  The results of Free Trade had not been satisfactory.  In 1876 there was a great crisis in the iron trade; owing to overproduction there was a great fall of prices in England, and Germany was being flooded with English goods sold below cost price.  Many factories had to be closed, owners were ruined, and men thrown out of work; it happened that, by a law passed in 1873, the last duty on imported iron would cease on the 31st of December, 1876.  Many of the manufacturers and a large party in the Reichstag petitioned that the action of the law might at any rate be suspended.  Free-Traders, however, still had a majority, for the greater portion of the National Liberals belonged to that school, and the law was carried out.  It was, however, apparent that not only the iron but other industries were threatened.  The building of railways in Russia would bring about an increased importation of Russian corn and threatened the prosperity, not only of the large proprietors, but also of the peasants.  It had always been the wise policy of the Prussian Government to maintain and protect by legislation the peasants, who were considered the most important class in the State.  Then the trade in Swedish wood threatened to interfere with the profits from the German forests, an industry so useful to the health of the country and the prosperity of the Government.  But if Free Trade would injure the market for the natural products of the soil, it did not bring any compensating advantages by helping industry.  Germany was flooded with English manufactures, so that even the home market was endangered, and every year it became more apparent that foreign markets were being closed.  The sanguine expectations of the Free-Traders had not been realised; America, France, Russia, had high tariffs; German manufactured goods were excluded from these countries.  What could they look forward to in the future but a ruined peasantry and the crippling of the iron and weaving industries?  “I had the impression,” said Bismarck, “that under Free Trade we were gradually bleeding to death.”