This was that the system which had hitherto been provisionally accepted should become permanent, and that the army should henceforward in time of peace always consist of the same number of men.  To agree to this would be permanently to give up all possibility of exercising any control over the finance.  It was impossible for the National Liberal party to accept the proposal without giving up at the same time all hope of constitutional development; Bismarck was ill and could take no part in defending the law; they voted against it, it was thrown out, and it seemed as though a new conflict was going to arise.

When the Reichstag adjourned in April for the Easter holidays the agitation spread over the country, but the country was determined not again to have a conflict on the Budget.  “There was a regular fanaticism for unconditional acceptance of the law; those even on the Left refused to hear anything of constitutional considerations,” writes one member of the National Liberty party after meeting his constituents.  If the Reichstag persisted in their refusal and a dissolution took place, there was no doubt that there would be a great majority for the Government.  It was the first time since 1870 that the question of constitutional privileges was raised, and now it was found, as ever afterwards was the case, that, for the German people, whatever might be the opinion of their elected representatives, the name of Bismarck alone outweighed all else.  Bennigsen arranged a compromise and the required number of men was agreed to, not indeed permanently, but for seven years.  For four years more the alliance was continued.

At this time all other questions were thrown into the shade by the great conflict with the Roman Catholic Church on which the Government had embarked.  Looking back now, it is still difficult to judge or even to understand the causes which brought it about.  Both sides claim that they were acting in self-defence.  Bismarck has often explained his motives, but we cannot be sure that those he puts forward were the only considerations by which he was moved.  He, however, insisted that the struggle was not religious but political; he was not moved by Protestant animosity to the Catholic Church, but by his alarm lest in the organisation of the Roman hierarchy a power might arise within the Empire which would be hostile to the State.  But even if the Chancellor himself was at first free from Protestant hatred to Catholicism,—­and this is not quite clear,—­he was forced into alliance with a large party who appealed at once to the memories of the Reformation, who stirred up all that latent hatred of Rome which is as strong a force in North Germany as in England; and with others who saw in this an opportunity for more completely subduing all, Protestant and Catholic alike, to the triumphant power of the State, and making one more step towards the dissociation of the State from any religious body.