The debates were continued for two months with much spirit and ability; again and again a majority of the Parliament voted amendments against which Bismarck had spoken.  When they had completed the revision of the Constitution, these had again to be referred to the separate Governments.  Forty were adopted; on two only Bismarck informed the Parliament that their proposals could not be accepted.  One of these was the arrangements for the army Budget; so soon did a fresh conflict on this matter threaten.  A compromise was agreed upon; in consideration of the immediate danger (it was just the time when a war with France regarding Luxemburg appeared imminent), the House voted the money required for the army for the next four years; in 1871 a new arrangement would have to be made, but for this time the Government was able to maintain the army at the strength which they wished for.  The other matter was of less immediate importance:  the majority of the House had voted that members of the Parliament should receive payment for their services.  Bismarck had spoken strongly against this; now he made it a question of confidence, and warned them that the Governments would not accept it.  The House had no alternative except to withdraw their vote.

The Constitution as finally agreed on exists to this day as that of the German Empire.  Notwithstanding the evil forebodings made at the time, it has worked well for over thirty years.

From the moment that the new State had been created and the new Constitution adopted, a great change took place in Bismarck’s public position.  He was no longer merely the first and ablest servant of the Prussian King; he was no longer one in the distinguished series of Prussian Ministers.  His position was—­let us recognise it clearly—­greater than that of the King and Emperor, for he was truly the Father of the State:  it was his will which had created and his brain which had devised it; he watched over it with the affection of a father for his son; none quite understood it but himself; he alone could authoritatively expound the laws of the Constitution.  A criticism of it was an attack upon himself; opposition to him was scarcely to be distinguished from treason to the State.  Is it not inevitable that as years went on we should find an increasing intolerance of all rivals, who wished to alter what he had made, or to take his place as captain of his ship, and at the same time a most careful and strict regard for the loyal fulfilment of the law and spirit of the Constitution?  From this time all other interests are laid aside, his whole life is absorbed in the prosperity of Germany.